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Title: Jane Austen's sailor brothers: Being the adventures of Sir Francis Austen, G.C.B., Admiral of the Fleet and Rear-Admiral Charles Austen
Author: Hubback, Edith C., Hubback, John Henry
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Jane Austen's sailor brothers: Being the adventures of Sir Francis Austen, G.C.B., Admiral of the Fleet and Rear-Admiral Charles Austen" ***
BROTHERS ***
JANE AUSTEN’S
SAILOR BROTHERS
[Illustration: VICE-ADMIRAL SIR FRANCIS AUSTEN, K.C.B.]
JANE AUSTEN’S
SAILOR BROTHERS
_Being the Adventures of Sir Francis
Austen, G.C.B., Admiral of the Fleet
and Rear-Admiral Charles
Austen By J. H. Hubback
and Edith C. Hubback_
_mdccccvi_
_London: John Lane_
_The Bodley Head, Vigo Street, W._
_New York: John Lane Company_
Printed by BALLANTYNE & CO. LIMITED
Tavistock Street, London
TO M. P. H.
“I HAVE DISCOVERED A THING VERY
LITTLE KNOWN, WHICH IS THAT IN
ONE’S WHOLE LIFE ONE CAN NEVER
HAVE MORE THAN ONE MOTHER.
YOU MAY THINK THIS OBVIOUS.
YOU ARE A GREEN GOSLING!”
PREFACE
Perhaps some apology may be expected on behalf of a book about Jane
Austen, having regard to the number which have already been put before
the public in past years. My own membership of the family is my excuse
for printing a book which contains little original matter, and which
might be described as “a thing of shreds and patches,” if that phrase
were not already over-worked. To me it seems improbable that others
will take a wholly adverse view of what is so much inwoven with all the
traditions of my life. When I recollect my childhood, spent chiefly
in the house of my grandfather, Sir Francis, and all the interests
which accompanied those early days, I find myself once more amongst
those deep and tender distances. Surrounded by reminiscences of the
opening years of the century, the Admiral always cherished the most
affectionate remembrance of the sister who had so soon passed away,
leaving those six precious volumes to be a store of household words
among the family.
How often I call to mind some question or answer, expressed quite
naturally in terms of the novels; sometimes even a conversation would
be carried on entirely appropriate to the matter under discussion, but
the actual phrases were “Aunt Jane’s.” So well, too, do I recollect the
sad news of the death of Admiral Charles Austen, after the capture,
under his command, of Martaban and Rangoon, and while he was leading
his squadron to further successes, fifty-six years having elapsed since
his first sea-fight.
My daughter and I have made free use of the _Letters of Jane Austen_,
published in 1884, by the late Lord Brabourne, and wish to acknowledge
with gratitude the kind permission to quote these letters, given to
us by their present possessor. In a letter of 1813, she speaks of
two nephews who “amuse themselves very comfortably in the evening by
netting; they are each about a rabbit-net, and sit as deedily to it,
side by side, as any two Uncle Franks could do.” In his octogenarian
days Sir Francis was still much interested in this same occupation of
netting, to protect his Morello cherries or currants. It was, in fact,
only laid aside long after his grandsons had been taught to carry it on.
My most hearty thanks are also due to my cousins, who have helped to
provide materials for our work; to Miss M. L. Austen for the loan of
miniatures and silhouettes; to Miss Jane Austen for various letters
and for illustrations; to Commander E. L. Austen for access to logs,
and to official and other letters in large numbers; also to Miss Mary
Austen for the picture of the _Peterel_ in action, and to Mrs. Herbert
Austen, and Captain and Mrs. Willan for excellent portraits of the
Admirals, and to all these, and other members of the family, for much
encouragement in our enterprise.
JOHN H. HUBBACK.
_July 1905._
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. BROTHERS AND SISTERS 1
II. TWO MIDSHIPMEN 15
III. CHANGES AND CHANCES IN THE NAVY 28
IV. PROMOTIONS 41
V. THE “PETEREL” SLOOP 56
VI. THE PATROL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN 78
VII. AT HOME AND ABROAD 94
VIII. BLOCKADING BOULOGNE 111
IX. THE PURSUIT OF VILLENEUVE 130
X. “A MELANCHOLY SITUATION” 147
XI. ST. DOMINGO 164
XII. THE CAPE AND ST. HELENA 180
XIII. STARS AND STRIPES 196
XIV. CHINESE MANDARINS 212
XV. A LETTER FROM JANE 227
XVI. ANOTHER LETTER FROM JANE 243
XVII. THE END OF THE WAR 260
XVIII. TWO ADMIRALS 274
INDEX 287
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Vice-Admiral Sir Francis Austen, K.C.B. (_From a painting
in the possession of Mrs. Herbert Austen_) _Frontispiece_
The Reverend George Austen, Rector of Steventon (_From
a miniature in the possession of Miss M. L. Austen_) 8
Action between the English frigate _Unicorn_ and the French
frigate _La Tribune_, June 8, 1796 (_From a painting in
the possession of Captain Willan, R.N., and Mrs. Willan_).
_By kind permission of Miss Hill_ 22
Francis Austen as Lieutenant (_From a miniature_) 44
Sloop of War and Frigate (_From a pencil sketch by Captain
Herbert Austen, R.N._) 64
_Peterel_ in action with the French brig _La Ligurienne_ after
driving two others on the rocks near Marseilles, on
March 21, 1800 (_From a sketch by Captain Herbert
Austen, R.N., in the possession of Miss Mary Austen_) 84
Topaz Crosses given to Cassandra and Jane by Charles
Austen (_In the possession of Miss Jane Austen_) 92
The Way to Church from Portsdown Lodge (_From a
pencil sketch by Catherine A. Austen_) 108
Mrs. Austen (_From a silhouette in the possession of Miss
M. L. Austen_) 124
Order of Battle and of Sailing, signed Nelson and Bronté,
dated March 26, 1805 132
Order of Battle and of Sailing, signed Nelson and Bronté,
dated June 5, 1805 138
Captain Francis William Austen (_From a miniature of
1806, in the possession of Miss M. L. Austen. The Order
of the C.B. has been painted in at a later date, probably
when conferred in 1815_) 156
“Vice-Admiral Sir Francis Austen, K.C.B.’s writing-desk”
(_From a caricature sketch by his daughter Cassandra,
about 1840_) 174
Cassandra Austen (_From a silhouette in the possession of
Miss M. L. Austen_) 184
Portchester Castle. The French prisoners were interned
in the neighbouring buildings after the Battle of
Vimiera (_From a sketch by Captain Herbert Austen, R.N._) 200
Captain Charles Austen (_From a painting of 1809, in the
possession of Miss Jane Austen_) 210
Jane Austen, from a sketch by her sister Cassandra (_In
the possession of Miss Jane Austen_) 226
Mrs. Charles Austen, _née_ Fanny Palmer, daughter of the
Attorney-General of Bermuda (_From a painting in the
possession of Miss Jane Austen_) 252
Captain Charles Austen, C.B. (_From a painting in the
possession of Captain Willan, R.N., and Mrs. Willan_) 266
Jane Austen’s work-box, with her last piece of work (_In
the possession of Miss Jane Austen_) 270
Memorandum, dated May 12, 1838, signed by Charles
Austen on taking command of the _Bellerophon_ 274
Rear-Admiral Charles Austen, C.B. (_From a miniature
painted at Malta in 1846, in the possession of Miss Jane
Austen_) 278
Sir Francis Austen, G.C.B., Admiral of the Fleet, at the
age of ninety 284
JANE AUSTEN’S SAILOR BROTHERS
CHAPTER I
BROTHERS AND SISTERS
No one can read Jane Austen’s novels, her life, or her letters,
without feeling that to her the ties of family were stronger and more
engrossing than any others.
Among the numbers of men and women who cheerfully sacrifice the claims
of their family in order that they may be free to confer somewhat
doubtful benefits on society, it is refreshing to find one who is the
object of much love and gratitude from countless unknown readers, and
who yet would have been the first to laugh at the notion that her
writing was of more importance than her thought for her brothers and
sister, or the various home duties which fell to her share. It is this
sweetness and wholesomeness of thought, this clear conviction that
her “mission” was to do her duty, that gives her books and letters
their peculiar quality. Her theory of life is clear. Whatever troubles
befall, people must go on doing their work and making the best of it;
and we are not allowed to feel respect, or even overmuch sympathy,
for the characters in the novels who cannot bear this test. There is
a matter-of-courseness about this view which, combined with all that
we know of the other members of the family, gives one the idea that
the children at Steventon had a strict bringing up. This, in fact, was
the case, and a very rich reward was the result. In a family of seven
all turned out well, two rose to the top of their profession, and one
was--Jane Austen.
The fact of her intense devotion to her family could not but influence
her writing. She loved them all so well that she could not help
thinking of them even in the midst of her work; and the more we know
of her surroundings, and the lives of those she loved, the more we
understand of the small joyous touches in her books. She was far too
good an artist, as well as too reticent in nature, to take whole
characters from life; but small characteristics and failings, dwelt
on with humorous partiality, can often be traced back to the natures
of those she loved. Mary Crawford’s brilliant letters to Fanny Price
remind one of Cassandra, who was the “finest comic writer of the
present age.” Charles’ impetuous disposition is exaggerated in Bingley,
who says, “Whatever I do is done in a hurry,” a remark which is
severely reproved by Darcy (and not improbably by Francis Austen), as
an “indirect boast.” Francis himself comes in for his share of teasing
on the opposite point of his extreme neatness, precision, and accuracy.
“They are so neat and careful in all their ways,” says Mrs. Clay, in
“Persuasion,” of the naval profession in general; and nothing could
be more characteristic of Francis Austen and some of his descendants
than the overpowering accuracy with which Edmund Bertram corrects Mary
Crawford’s hasty estimate of the distance in the wood.
“‘I am really not tired, which I almost wonder at; for we must have
walked at least a mile in this wood. Do not you think we have?’
“‘Not half a mile,’ was his sturdy answer; for he was not yet so
much in love as to measure distance, or reckon time, with feminine
lawlessness.
“‘Oh, you do not consider how much we have wound about. We have taken
such a very serpentine course, and the wood itself must be half a mile
long in a straight line, for we have never seen the end of it yet since
we left the first great path.’
“‘But if you remember, before we left that first great path we saw
directly to the end of it. We looked down the whole vista, and saw it
closed by iron gates, and it could not have been more than a furlong in
length.’
“‘Oh, I know nothing of your furlongs, but I am sure it is a very long
wood; and that we have been winding in and out ever since we came into
it; and therefore when I say that we have walked a mile in it I must
speak within compass.’
“‘We have been exactly a quarter of an hour here,’ said Edmund, taking
out his watch. ‘Do you think we are walking four miles an hour?’
“‘Oh, do not attack me with your watch. A watch is always too fast or
too slow. I cannot be dictated to by a watch.’
“A few steps farther brought them out at the bottom of the very walk
they had been talking of.
“‘Now, Miss Crawford, if you will look up the walk, you will convince
yourself that it cannot be half a mile long, or half half a mile.’
“‘It is an immense distance,’ said she; ‘I see that with a glance.’
“He still reasoned with her, but in vain. She would not calculate, she
would not compare. She would only smile and assert. The greatest degree
of rational consistency could not have been more engaging, and they
talked with mutual satisfaction.”
It is in “Mansfield Park” and in “Persuasion” that the influence of
her two sailor brothers, Francis and Charles, on Jane Austen’s work
can be most easily traced. Unlike the majority of writers of all time,
from Shakespeare with his “Seacoast of Bohemia” down to the author
of a penny dreadful, Jane Austen never touched, even lightly, on a
subject unless she had a real knowledge of its details. Her pictures
of the life of a country gentleman and of clergymen are accurate, if
not always sympathetic. Perhaps it was all too near her own experience
to have the charm of romance, but concerning sailors she is romantic.
Their very faults are lovable in her eyes, and their lives packed with
interest. When Admiral Croft, Captain Wentworth, or William Price
appears on the scene, the other characters immediately take on a
merely subsidiary interest, and this prominence is always that given
by appreciation. The distinction awarded to Mr. Collins or Mrs. Elton,
as the chief object of ridicule, is of a different nature. The only
instance she cared to give us of a sailor who is not to be admired is
Mary Crawford’s uncle, the Admiral, and even he is allowed to earn our
esteem by disinterested kindness to William Price.
No doubt some of this enthusiasm was due to the spirit of the times,
when, as Edward Ferrars says, “The navy had fashion on its side”;
but that sisterly partiality was a stronger element there can be no
question. Her place in the family was between these two brothers,
Francis just a year older, and Charles some four years younger. Much
has been said about her fondness for “pairs of sisters” in her novels,
but no less striking are the “brother and sister” friendships which
are an important factor in four out of her six books. The love of
Darcy for his sister Georgiana perhaps suggests the intimacy between
James Austen and Jane, where the difference in their ages of ten years,
their common love of books, the advice and encouragement that the elder
brother was able to give his sister over her reading, are all points of
resemblance. The equal terms of the affection of Francis and Jane are
of another type.
Henry Tilney and his sister Eleanor, Mrs. Croft and Frederick
Wentworth, give us good instances of firm friendships. In the case
of the Tilneys, confidences are exchanged with ease and freedom; but
in “Persuasion,” the feeling in this respect, as in all others, is
more delicate, and only in the chapter which Jane Austen afterwards
cancelled can we see the quickness of Mrs. Croft’s perceptions where
her brother was concerned. For so long as she supposes him to be on
the brink of marrying Louisa Musgrove, sympathy is no doubt somewhat
difficult to force, but “prompt welcome” is given to Anne as Captain
Wentworth’s chosen wife; and with some knowledge of Mrs. Croft we know
that the “particularly friendly manner” hid a warmth of feeling which
would fully satisfy even Frederick’s notions of the love which Anne
deserved. But it is in “Mansfield Park” that “brothers and sisters”
play the strongest part. No one can possibly doubt the very lively
affection of Mary and Henry Crawford. Even when complaining of the
shortness of his letters, she says that Henry is “exactly what a
brother should be, loves me, consults me, confides in me, and will
talk to me by the hour together”--and the scene later on, where he
tells of his devotion to Fanny Price, is as pretty an account of such
a confidence as can be well imagined, where the worldliness of each
is almost lost in the happiness of disinterested love, which both are
feeling.
When Jane Austen comes to describing Fanny’s love for her brother
William, her tenderness and her humour are in perfect accord. From
the reality of the feelings over his arrival and promotion, to the
quiet hit at the enthusiasm which his deserted chair and cold pork
bones might be supposed to arouse in Fanny’s heart after their early
breakfast, when he was off to London, the picture of sisterly love
is perfect. We are told, too, that there was “an affection on his
side as warm as her own, and much less encumbered by refinement and
self-distrust. She was the first object of his love, but it was a love
which his stronger spirits and bolder temper made it as natural for him
to express as to feel.” So far this describes the love of William and
Fanny, but a few lines further on comes a passage which has the ring of
personal experience. In reading it, it is impossible not to picture a
time which was always of great importance in the life at Steventon--the
return on leave for a few weeks or a few months of one or other of
the sailor brothers, and all the walks and talks which filled up the
pleasant days. “On the morrow they were walking about together with
true enjoyment, and every succeeding morrow renewed the _tête-à-tête_.
Fanny had never known so much felicity in her life as in this
unchecked, equal, fearless intercourse with the brother and friend, who
was opening all his heart to her, telling her all his hopes and fears,
plans and solicitudes respecting that long thought of, dearly earned,
and justly valued blessing of promotion--who was interested in all
the comforts and all the little hardships of her home--and with whom
(perhaps the dearest indulgence of the whole) all the evil and good of
their earliest years could be gone over again, and every former united
pain and pleasure retraced with the fondest recollection.”
Some slight record of the childhood of the Steventon family has been
left to us. Most of the known facts have already been told by admirers
of Jane Austen, but some extracts from an account written by Catherine
Austen in the lifetime of her father, Sir Francis Austen, will at least
have the merit of accuracy, for he would certainly have been merciless
to even the simplest “embroidery.”
[Illustration: THE REVEREND GEORGE AUSTEN IN 1763]
The father, Mr. George Austen, was the rector of Steventon. He was
known in his young days, before his marriage, as “the handsome
tutor,” and he transmitted his good looks to at least three of his
sons; Henry, Francis, and Charles were all exceptionally handsome men.
Indeed, neither wit nor good looks were deficient in the Steventon
family. Probably much of Jane’s simplicity about her writing arose
from the fact that she saw nothing in it to be conceited about, being
perfectly convinced that any of the others, with her leisure and
inclination, could have done just as well. Her father had a gentleness
of disposition combined with a firmness of principle which had great
effect in forming the characters of his family. The mother’s maiden
name was Cassandra Leigh. She was very lively and active, and strict
with her children. It is not difficult to see whence Francis derived
his ideas of discipline, or Jane her unswerving devotion to duty.
The elder members of the family were born at Deane, which was Mr.
Austen’s first living, but in 1771 they moved to Steventon, where they
lived for nearly thirty years.
The account of the house given by Catherine Austen shows the simplicity
of the life.
“The parsonage consisted of three rooms in front on the ground floor,
the best parlour, the common parlour, and the kitchen; behind there
were Mr. Austen’s study, the back kitchen and the stairs; above them
were seven bedrooms and three attics. The rooms were low-pitched but
not otherwise bad, and compared with the usual style of such buildings
it might be considered a very good house.” An eulogy follows on the
plainness and quietness of the family life--a characteristic specially
due to the mother’s influence.
“That she had no taste for expensive show or finery, may be inferred
from the fact being on record that for two years she actually never
had a gown to wear. It was a prevalent custom for ladies to wear
cloth habits, and she having one of red cloth found any other dress
unnecessary. Imagine a beneficed clergyman’s wife in these days
contenting herself with such a costume for two years! But the fact
illustrates the retired style of living that contented her.” Even when
she did find it necessary to provide herself with some other costume,
the riding-habit was made to serve another useful purpose, for it was
cut up into a first cloth suit for little Francis.
The following account of their upbringing closes this slight record:
“There is nothing in which modern manners differ much more from those
of a century back than in the system pursued with regard to children.
They were kept in the nursery, out of the way not only of visitors
but of their parents; they were trusted to hired attendants; they
were allowed a great deal of air and exercise, were kept on plain
food, forced to give way to the comfort of others, accustomed to be
overlooked, slightly regarded, considered of trifling importance. No
well-stocked libraries of varied lore to cheat them into learning
awaited them; no scientific toys, no philosophic amusements enlarged
their minds and wearied their attention.” One wonders what would have
been the verdict of this writer of fifty years ago on education in
1905. She goes on to tell us of the particular system pursued with the
boys in order to harden them for their future work in life. It was
not considered either necessary or agreeable for a woman to be very
strong. “Little Francis was at the age of ten months removed from the
parsonage to a cottage in the village, and placed under the care of
a worthy couple, whose simple style of living, homely dwelling, and
out-of-door habits (for in the country the poor seldom close the door
by day, except in bad weather), must have been very different from the
heated nurseries and constrained existence of the clean, white-frocked
little gentlemen who are now growing up around us. Across the brick
floor of a cottage Francis learnt to walk, and perhaps it was here that
he received the foundation of the excellent constitution which was so
remarkable in after years. It must not, however, be supposed that he
was neglected by his parents; he was constantly visited by them both,
and often taken to the parsonage.”
One cannot but admire the fortitude of parents who would forego the
pleasure of seeing their children learn to walk and satisfy themselves
with daily visits, for the sake of a plan of education of which the
risks cannot have been otherwise than great.
The rough-and-tumble life which followed must have thoroughly suited
the taste of any enterprising boy, and given him an independence of
spirit, and a habit of making his own plans, which would be exactly
what was wanted in the Navy of those days, when a man of twenty-five
might be commander of a vessel manned by discontented, almost mutinous,
sailors, with the chance of an enemy’s ship appearing at any time on
the horizon.
Riding about the country after the hounds began for Francis at the age
of seven; and, from what we hear of Catherine Morland’s childhood, we
feel sure that Jane would not always have been contented to be left
behind.
Catherine, at the age of ten, was “noisy and wild, hated confinement
and cleanliness, and loved nothing so well in the world as rolling down
the green slope at the back of the house.” When she was fourteen, we
are told that she “preferred cricket, base-ball, riding on horseback,
and running about the country, to books--or, at least, books of
information--for, provided that nothing like useful knowledge could be
gained from them, provided they were all story and no reflection, she
had never any objection to books at all!”
This, if not an accurate picture of the tastes of the children at
Steventon, at least shows the sort of amusements which boys and girls
brought up in a country parsonage had at their command.
Perhaps it was of some such recollections that Jane Austen was
thinking when she praised that common tie of childish remembrances.
“An advantage this, a strengthener of love, in which even the conjugal
tie is beneath the fraternal. Children of the same family, the same
blood, with the same first associations and habits, have some means of
enjoyment in their power which no subsequent connection can supply, and
it must be by a long and unnatural estrangement, by a divorce which
no subsequent connection can justify, if such precious remains of the
earliest attachments are ever entirely outlived. Too often, alas! it
is so. Fraternal love, sometimes almost everything, is at others worse
than nothing. But with William and Fanny Price it was still a sentiment
in all its prime and freshness, wounded by no opposition of interest,
cooled by no separate attachment, and feeling the influence of time
and absence only in its increase.” That it was never Jane’s lot to feel
this cooling of affection on the part of any member of her family is
due not only to their appreciation of their sister, but to the serenity
and adaptability of her own sweet disposition.
CHAPTER II
TWO MIDSHIPMEN
Both Francis and Charles Austen were educated for their profession at
the Royal Naval Academy, which was established in 1775 at Portsmouth,
and was under the supreme direction of the Lords of the Admiralty.
Boys were received there between the ages of 12 and 15. They were
supposed to stay there for three years, but there was a system of
sending them out to serve on ships as “Volunteers.” This was a valuable
part of their training, as they were still under the direction of the
College authorities, and had the double advantages of experience and
of teaching. They did the work of seamen on board, but were allowed
up on deck, and were specially under the eye of the captain, who was
supposed to make them keep accurate journals, and draw the appearances
of headlands and coasts. It is no doubt to this early training that we
owe the careful private logs which Francis kept almost throughout his
whole career.
Some of the rules of the Naval Academy show how ideas have altered in
the last hundred and more years. There was a special law laid down that
masters were to make no differences between the boys on account of rank
or position, and no boy was to be allowed to keep a private servant, a
rather superfluous regulation in these days.
Three weeks was the extent of the holiday, which it seems could be
taken at any time in the year, the Academy being always open for the
benefit of Volunteers, who were allowed to go there when their ships
were in Portsmouth. Those who distinguished themselves could continue
this privilege after their promotion. Francis left the Academy in 1788,
and immediately went out to the East Indies on board the _Perseverance_
as Volunteer.
There he stayed for four years, first as midshipman on the _Crown_, 64
guns, and afterwards on the _Minerva_, 38.
A very charming letter from his father to Francis is still in existence.
“_Memorandum_ for the use of Mr. F. W. Austen on his going to
the East Indies on board his Majesty’s ship _Perseverance_
(Captain Smith).
“_December, 1788._
“MY DEAR FRANCIS,--While you were at the Royal Academy the
opportunities of writing to you were so frequent that I
gave you my opinion and advice as occasion arose, and it was
sufficient to do so; but now you are going from us for so long
a time, and to such a distance, that neither you can consult
me or I reply but at long intervals, I think it necessary,
therefore, before your departure, to give my sentiments on
such general subjects as I conceive of the greatest importance
to you, and must leave your conduct in particular cases to be
directed by your own good sense and natural judgment of what is
right.”
After some well-chosen and impressive injunctions on the subject of his
son’s religious duties, Mr. Austen proceeds:
“Your behaviour, as a member of society, to the individuals
around you may be also of great importance to your future
well-doing, and certainly will to your present happiness
and comfort. You may either by a contemptuous, unkind and
selfish manner create disgust and dislike; or by affability,
good humour and compliance, become the object of esteem and
affection; which of these very opposite paths ’tis your
interest to pursue I need not say.
“The little world, of which you are going to become an
inhabitant, will occasionally have it in their power to
contribute no little share to your pleasure or pain; to
conciliate therefore their goodwill, by every honourable
method, will be the part of a prudent man. Your commander
and officers will be most likely to become your friends by a
respectful behaviour to themselves, and by an active and ready
obedience to orders. Good humour, an inclination to oblige
and the carefully avoiding every appearance of selfishness,
will infallibly secure you the regards of your own mess and
of all your equals. With your inferiors perhaps you will
have but little intercourse, but when it does occur there is
a sort of kindness they have a claim on you for, and which,
you may believe me, will not be thrown away on them. Your
conduct, as it respects yourself, chiefly comprehends sobriety
and prudence. The former you know the importance of to your
health, your morals and your fortune. I shall therefore say
nothing more to enforce the observance of it. I thank God you
have not at present the least disposition to deviate from it.
Prudence extends to a variety of objects. Never any action of
your life in which it will not be your interest to consider
what she directs! She will teach you the proper disposal of
your time and the careful management of your money,--two very
important trusts for which you are accountable. She will teach
you that the best chance of rising in life is to make yourself
as useful as possible, by carefully studying everything that
relates to your profession, and distinguishing yourself from
those of your own rank by a superior proficiency in nautical
acquirements.
“As you have hitherto, my dear Francis, been extremely
fortunate in making friends, I trust your future conduct
will confirm their good opinion of you; and I have the more
confidence in this expectation because the high character
you acquired at the Academy for propriety of behaviour and
diligence in your studies, when you were so much younger and
had so much less experience, seems to promise that riper years
and more knowledge of the world will strengthen your naturally
good disposition. That this may be the case I sincerely pray,
as you will readily believe when you are assured that your good
mother, brothers, sisters and myself will all exult in your
reputation and rejoice in your happiness.
“Thus far by way of general hints for your conduct. I shall now
mention only a few particulars I wish your attention to. As you
must be convinced it would be the highest satisfaction to us
to hear as frequently as possible from you, you will of course
neglect no opportunity of giving us that pleasure, and being
very minute in what relates to yourself and your situation. On
this account, and because unexpected occasions of writing to
us may offer, ’twill be a good way always to have a letter in
forwardness. You may depend on hearing from some of us at every
opportunity.
“Whenever you draw on me for money, Captain Smith will endorse
your bills, and I dare say will readily do it as often, and
for what sums, he shall think necessary. At the same time you
must not forget to send me the earliest possible notice of the
amount of the draft, and the name of the person in whose favour
it is drawn. On the subject of letter-writing, I cannot help
mentioning how incumbent it is on you to write to Mr. Bayly,
both because he desired it and because you have no other way
of expressing the sense I know you entertain of his very great
kindness and attention to you. Perhaps it would not be amiss
if you were also to address one letter to your good friend the
commissioner, to acknowledge how much you shall always think
yourself obliged to him.
“Keep an exact account of all the money you receive or spend,
lend none but where you are sure of an early repayment, and on
no account whatever be persuaded to risk it by gaming.
“I have nothing to add but my blessing and best prayers for
your health and prosperity, and to beg you would never forget
you have not upon earth a more disinterested and warm friend
than,
“Your truly affectionate father,
“GEO. AUSTEN.”
That this letter should have been found among the private papers of an
old man who died at the age of 91, after a life of constant activity
and change, is proof enough that it was highly valued by the boy of
fourteen to whom it was written. There is something in its gentleness
of tone, and the way in which advice is offered rather than obedience
demanded, which would make it very persuasive to the feelings of a
young boy going out to a life which must consist mainly of the opposite
duties of responsibility and discipline. Incidentally it all throws a
pleasant light on the characters of both father and son.
The life of a Volunteer on board ship was by no means an easy one, but
it no doubt inured the boys to hardships and privations, and gave them
a sympathy with their men which would afterwards stand them in good
stead.
The record of Charles as a midshipman is very much more stirring than
Francis’ experiences. He served on board the _Unicorn_, under Captain
Thomas Williams, at the time of the capture of the French frigate
_La Tribune_, a notable single ship encounter, which brought Captain
Williams the honour of knighthood.
On June 8, 1796, the _Unicorn_ and the _Santa Margarita_, cruising
off the Scilly Islands, sighted three strange ships, and gave chase.
They proved to be two French frigates and a corvette, _La Tribune_,
_La Tamise_, and _La Legère_. The French vessels continued all day to
run before the wind. The English ships as they gained on them were
subjected to a well-directed fire, which kept them back so much that it
was evening before _La Tamise_ at last bore up and engaged one of the
pursuers, the _Santa Margarita_. After a sharp action of about twenty
minutes _La Tamise_ struck her colours.
_La Tribune_ crowded on all sail to make her escape, but the _Unicorn_,
in spite of damage to masts and rigging, kept up the chase, and after
a running fight of ten hours the _Unicorn_ came alongside, taking
the wind from the sails of the French ship. After a close action of
thirty-five minutes there was a brief interval. As the smoke cleared
away, _La Tribune_ could be seen trying to get to the windward of
her enemy. This manœuvre was instantly frustrated, and a few more
broadsides brought down _La Tribune’s_ masts, and ended the action.
From start to finish of the chase the two vessels had run 210 miles.
Not a man was killed or even hurt on board the _Unicorn_, and not a
large proportion of the crew of _La Tribune_ suffered. No doubt in a
running fight of this sort much powder and shot would be expended with
very little result.
[Illustration: ACTION BETWEEN THE ENGLISH FRIGATE _UNICORN_ AND THE
FRENCH FRIGATE _LA TRIBUNE_, JUNE 8, 1796]
When this encounter took place Charles Austen had been at sea for
scarcely two years. Such an experience would have given the boy a great
notion of the excitement and joys in store for him in a seafaring
life. Such, however, was not to be his luck. Very little important
work fell to his share till at least twenty years later, and for one
of his ardent temperament this was a somewhat hard trial. His day came
at last, after years of routine, but when he was still young enough to
enjoy a life of enterprise and of action. Even half a century later his
characteristic energy was never more clearly shown than in his last
enterprise as Admiral in command during the second Burmese War (1852),
when he died at the front.
Francis, during the four years when he was a midshipman, had only
one change of captain. After serving under Captain Smith in the
_Perseverance_, he went to the _Crown_, under Captain the Honourable
W. Cornwallis, and eventually followed him into the _Minerva_. Admiral
Cornwallis was afterwards in command of the Channel Fleet, blockading
Brest in the Trafalgar year.
Charles had an even better experience than Francis had, for he was
under Captain Thomas Williams all the time he was midshipman, first in
the _Dædalus_, then in the _Unicorn_, and last in the _Endymion_.
The fact that both brothers served for nearly all their times as
midshipmen under the same captain shows that they earned good
opinions. If midshipmen were not satisfactory they were very speedily
transferred, as we hear was the lot of poor Dick Musgrove.
“He had been several years at sea, and had in the course of those
removals to which all midshipmen are liable, and especially such
midshipmen as every captain wishes to get rid of, been six months on
board Captain Frederick Wentworth’s frigate, the _Laconia_; and from
the _Laconia_ he had, under the influence of his captain, written
the only two letters which his father and mother had ever received
from him during the whole of his absence, that is to say the only two
disinterested letters; all the rest had been mere applications for
money. In each letter he had spoken well of his captain--mentioning him
in strong, though not perfectly well-spelt praise, as ‘a fine dashing
felow, only two perticular about the schoolmaster.’”
No doubt Dick’s journal and sketches of the coast line were neither
accurate nor neatly executed.
William Price’s time as a midshipman is, one would think, a nearer
approach to the careers of Francis and Charles. Certainly the account
given of his talk seems to bear much resemblance to the stories
Charles, especially, would have to tell on his return.
“William was often called on by his uncle to be the talker. His
recitals were amusing in themselves to Sir Thomas, but the chief object
in seeking them was to understand the reciter, to know the young man by
his histories, and he listened to his clear, simple, spirited details
with full satisfaction--seeing in them the proof of good principles,
professional knowledge, energy, courage and cheerfulness--everything
that could deserve or promise well. Young as he was, William had
already seen a great deal. He had been in the Mediterranean--in the
West Indies--in the Mediterranean again--had been often taken on shore
by favour of his captain, and in the course of seven years had known
every variety of danger which sea and war together could offer. With
such means in his power he had a right to be listened to; and though
Mrs. Norris could fidget about the room, and disturb everybody in quest
of two needlefuls of thread or a second-hand shirt button in the midst
of her nephew’s account of a shipwreck or an engagement, everybody else
was attentive; and even Lady Bertram could not hear of such horrors
unmoved, or without sometimes lifting her eyes from her work to say,
‘Dear me! How disagreeable! I wonder anybody can ever go to sea.’
“To Henry Crawford they gave a different feeling. He longed to have
been at sea, and seen and done and suffered as much. His heart was
warmed, his fancy fired, and he felt a great respect for a lad who,
before he was twenty, had gone through such bodily hardships, and
given such proofs of mind. The glory of heroism, of usefulness, of
exertion, of endurance, made his own habits of selfish indulgence
appear in shameful contrast; and he wished he had been a William Price,
distinguishing himself and working his way to fortune and consequence
with so much self-respect and happy ardour, instead of what he was!”
This gives a glowing account of the consequence of a midshipman on
leave. That times were not always so good, that they had their share of
feeling small and of no account, on shore as well as at sea, is only to
be expected, and Fanny was not allowed to imagine anything else.
“‘This is the Assembly night,’ said William. ‘If I were at Portsmouth,
I should be at it perhaps.’
“‘But you do not wish yourself at Portsmouth, William?’
“‘No, Fanny, that I do not. I shall have enough of Portsmouth, and of
dancing too, when I cannot have you. And I do not know that there would
be any good in going to the Assembly, for I might not get a partner.
The Portsmouth girls turn up their noses at anybody who has not a
commission. One might as well be nothing as a midshipman. One _is_
nothing, indeed. You remember the Gregorys; they are grown up amazing
fine girls, but they will hardly speak to _me_, because Lucy is courted
by a lieutenant.’
“‘Oh! Shame, shame! But never mind it, William (her own cheeks in a
glow of indignation as she spoke). It is not worth minding. It is no
reflection on _you_; it is no more than the greatest admirals have all
experienced, more or less, in their time. You must think of that; you
must try to make up your mind to it as one of the hardships which fall
to every sailor’s share--like bad weather and hard living--only with
this advantage, that there will be an end to it, that there will come a
time when you will have nothing of that sort to endure. When you are a
lieutenant!--only think, William, when you are a lieutenant, how little
you will care for any nonsense of this kind.’”
CHAPTER III
CHANGES AND CHANCES IN THE NAVY
Francis obtained his Lieutenant’s commission in 1792, serving for a
year in the East Indies, and afterwards on the home station. Early
promotions were frequent in those days of the Navy; and, in many ways,
no doubt, this custom was a good one, as the younger men had the dash
and assurance which was needed, when success lay mainly in the power
of making rapid decisions. Very early advancement had nevertheless
decided disadvantages, and it was among the causes that brought about
the mutinies of 1797. There are four or five cases on record of boys
being made captains before they were eighteen, and promotions often
went so much by favour and so little by real merit that the discontent
of the crews commanded by such inexperienced officers was not at all
to be wondered at. There were many other long-standing abuses, not
the least of which was the system of punishments, frightful in their
severity. A few instances of these, taken at haphazard from the logs
of the various ships on which Francis Austen served as Lieutenant will
illustrate this point.
_Glory, December 8, 1795._--“Punished P. C. Smith forty-nine lashes for
theft.”
_January 14, 1796._--“Punished sixteen seamen with one dozen lashes
each for neglect of duty in being off the deck in their watch.”
Punishments were made as public as possible. The following entry is
typical:
_Seahorse, December 9, 1797._--“Sent a boat to attend punishments round
the fleet.”
In the log of the _London_, one of the ships of the line blockading
Cadiz, just after the fearful mutinies of 1797, we find, as might be
expected, that punishments were more severe than ever.
_August 16, 1798._--“_Marlborough_ made the signal for punishment. Sent
three boats manned and armed to attend the punishment of Charles Moore
(seaman belonging to the _Marlborough_), who was sentenced to receive
one hundred lashes for insolence to his superior officer. Read the
articles of war and sentence of Court-martial to the ship’s company.
The prisoner received twenty-five lashes alongside this ship.”
In the case of a midshipman court-martialled for robbing a Portuguese
boat, “the charges having been proved, he was sentenced to be turned
before the mast, to have his uniform stripped off him on the
quarter-deck before all the ship’s company, to have his head shaved,
and to be rendered for ever incapable of serving as a petty officer.”
No fewer than six executions are recorded in the log of the _London_ as
taking place among the ships of the fleet off Cadiz. Only one instance
is mentioned where the offender was pardoned by the commander-in-chief
on account of previous good conduct. Earl St. Vincent certainly
deserved his reputation as a disciplinarian.
When, in addition to the system of punishment, it is further considered
that the food was almost always rough and very often uneatable, that
most of the crews were pressed men, who would rather have been at
any other work, and that the seamen’s share in any possible prizes
was ludicrously small, one wonders, not at the mutinies, but at the
splendid loyalty shown when meeting the enemy.
It is a noticeable fact that discontent was rife during long times of
inaction (whilst blockading Cadiz is the notable instance), but when it
came to fighting for their country men and officers alike managed to
forget their grievances.
On May 29, the log of the _London_ is as follows:
“The _Marlborough_ anchored in the middle of the line. At seven
the _Marlborough_ made the signal for punishment. Sent our launch,
barge and cutter, manned and armed, to attend the execution of Peter
Anderson, belonging to the _Marlborough_, who was sentenced to suffer
death for mutiny. Read the sentence of the court-martial, and the
articles of war to the ship’s company. At nine the execution took
place.” This is a record of an eye-witness of the historic scene which
put a stop to organised mutiny in the Cadiz fleet.
The narrative has been often told. Lord St. Vincent’s order to the crew
of the _Marlborough_ that they alone should execute their comrade,
the leader of the mutiny--the ship moored at a central point, and
surrounded by all the men-of-war’s boats armed with carronades under
the charge of expert gunners--the _Marlborough’s_ own guns housed
and secured, and ports lowered--every precaution adopted in case of
resistance to the Admiral’s orders--and the result, in the words of the
commander-in-chief: “Discipline is preserved.”
Perhaps the relief felt in the fleet was expressed in some measure
by the salute of seventeen guns recorded on the same day, “being the
anniversary of King Charles’ restoration.”
Gradually matters were righted. Very early promotions were abolished,
and throughout the Navy efforts were made on the part of the officers
to make their men more comfortable, and especially to give them better
and more wholesome food--but reforms must always be slow if they
are to do good and not harm, and, necessarily, the lightening of
punishments which seem to us barbarous was the slowest of all.
The work of the press-gang is always a subject of some interest and
romance. It is difficult to realise that it was a properly authorised
Government measure. There were certain limits in which it might work,
certain laws to be obeyed. The most useful men, those who were already
at sea, but not in the King’s service, could not legally be impressed,
unless they were free from all former obligations, and the same rule
applied to apprentices. These rules were not, however, strictly kept,
and much trouble was often caused by the wrong men being impressed, or
by false statements being used to get others off. The following letter,
written much later in his career by Francis Austen when he was Captain
of the _Leopard_ in 1804, gives a typical case of this kind.
_Leopard_, DUNGENESS, _August 10, 1804_.
“SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the
17th inst., with the enclosure, relative to Harris Walker,
said to be chief mate of the _Fanny_, and in reply thereto
have the honour to inform you that the said Harris Walker was
impressed from on board the brig _Fanny_, off Dungeness, by
Lieutenant Taylor of his Majesty’s ship under my command, on
the evening of the 7th inst., because no documents proving
him to be actually chief mate of the brig were produced, and
because the account he gave of himself was unsatisfactory and
contradictory. On examining him the following day he at first
confessed to me that he had entered on board the _Fanny_ only
three days before she sailed from Tobago, in consequence of
the captain (a relation of his) being taken ill, and shortly
afterwards he asserted that the whole of the cargo had been
taken on board and stowed under his direction. The master
of the _Fanny_ told Lieutenant Taylor that his cargo had
been shipped more than a fortnight before he sailed, having
been detained for want of a copy of the ship’s register, she
being a prize purchased and fitted at Tobago. From these very
contradictory accounts--from the man’s having no affidavit
to produce of his being actual chief mate of the brig, from
his not having signed any articles as such--and from his
handwriting totally disagreeing with the Log-Book (said to have
been kept by himself) I felt myself perfectly justified in
detaining him for his Majesty’s service.
“I return the enclosure, and have the honour to be,
“Sir, your obedient humble servant,
“FRANCIS WM. AUSTEN.
“Thomas Louis, Esq.,
“Rear-Admiral of the Blue.”
The reason assigned, that the reports Harris Walker gave of himself
were “unsatisfactory and contradictory,” seems to us a bad one for
“detaining him for his Majesty’s service,” but it shows clearly how
great were the difficulties in keeping up the supply of men. Captain
Austen had not heard the last of this man, as the belief seems to have
been strong that he was not legally impressed. Harris Walker, however,
settled the matter by deserting on October 5.
An entry in the log of the newly built frigate _Triton_, under Captain
Gore, gives an instance of wholesale, and one would think entirely
illegal action.
_November 25, 1796_, in the Thames (Long Reach).
“Sent all the boats to impress the crew of the _Britannia_ East
India ship. The boats returned with thirty-nine men, the remainder
having armed themselves and barricaded the bread room.”
“26th, the remainder of the _Britannia_ crew surrendered, being
twenty-three. Brought them on board.”
So great was the necessity of getting more men, and a better stamp of
men, into the Navy, and of making them fairly content when there, that
in 1800 a Royal Proclamation was issued encouraging men to enlist, and
promising them a bounty.
This bounty, though it worked well in many cases, was of course open to
various forms of abuse. Some who were entitled to it did not get it,
and many put in a claim whose right was at least doubtful. An instance
appears in the letters of the _Leopard_ of a certain George Rivers,
who had been entered as a “prest man,” and applied successfully to be
considered as a Volunteer, thereby to procure the bounty. He evidently
wanted to make the best of his position.
The case of Thomas Roberts, given in another letter from the _Leopard_,
is an example of inducements offered to enter the service.
Thomas Roberts “appears to have been received as a Volunteer from
H.M.S. _Ceres_, and received thirty shillings bounty. He says he was
apprenticed to his father about three years ago, and that, sometime
last October, he was enticed to a public-house by two men, who
afterwards took him on board the receiving ship off the Tower, where he
was persuaded to enter the service.”
The difficulty of getting an adequate crew seems to have led in some
cases to sharp practice among the officers themselves, if we are to
believe that Admiral Croft had real cause for complaint.
“‘If you look across the street,’ he says to Anne Elliot, ‘you will
see Admiral Brand coming down, and his brother. Shabby fellows, both
of them! I am glad they are not on this side of the way. Sophy cannot
bear them. They played me a pitiful trick once; got away some of my
best men. I will tell you the whole story another time.’” But “another
time” never comes, so we are reduced to imagining the “pitiful trick.”
The unpopularity of the Navy, and the consequent shorthandedness in
time of war, had one very bad result in bringing into it all sorts of
undesirable foreigners, who stirred up strife among the better disposed
men, and altogether aggravated the evils of the service.
Undoubtedly the care of the officers for their men was doing its
gradual work in lessening all these evils. To instance this, we find,
as we read on in the letters and official reports of Francis Austen,
that the entry, “the man named in the margin did run from his Majesty’s
ship under my command,” comes with less and less frequency; and we
have on record that the _Aurora_, under the command of Captain Charles
Austen, did not lose a single man by sickness or desertion during the
years 1826-1828, whilst he was in command. Even when some allowance is
made for his undoubted charm of personality, this is a strong evidence
of the real improvements which had been worked in the Navy during
thirty years.
With such constant difficulties and discomforts to contend with, it
seems in some ways remarkable that the Navy should have been so popular
as a profession among the classes from which officers were drawn.
Some of this popularity, and no doubt a large share, was the effect of
a strong feeling of patriotism, and some was due to the fact that the
Navy was a profession in which it was possible to get on very fast.
A man of moderate luck and enterprise was sure to make some sort of
mark, and if to this he added any “interest” his success was assured.
Success, in those days of the Navy, meant money. It is difficult for us
to realise the large part played by “prizes” in the ordinary routine
work of the smallest sloop. In the case of Captain Wentworth, a very
fair average instance, we know that when he engaged himself to Anne
Elliot, he had “nothing but himself to recommend him, no hopes of
attaining influence, but in the chances of a most uncertain profession,
and no connexions to secure even his farther rise in that profession,”
yet we find that his hopes for his own advancement were fully
justified. Jane Austen would have been very sure to have heard of it
from Francis if not from Charles, if she had made Captain Wentworth’s
success much more remarkable than that of the ordinary run of men in
such circumstances.
We are clearly told what those circumstances were.
“Captain Wentworth had no fortune. He had been lucky in his profession;
but spending freely what had come freely had realised nothing. But
he was confident that he would soon be rich; full of life and ardour,
he knew that he would soon have a ship, and soon be on a station that
would lead to everything he wanted. He had always been lucky; he knew
he should be so still.” Later, “all his sanguine expectations, all his
confidence had been justified. His genius and ardour had seemed to
foresee and to command his prosperous path. He had, very soon after
their engagement ceased, got employ; and all that he had told her would
follow had taken place. He had distinguished himself, and early gained
the other step in rank, and must now, by successive captures, have made
a handsome fortune. She had only Navy Lists and newspapers for her
authority, but she could not doubt his being rich.”
Such were some of the inducements. That “Jack ashore” was a much
beloved person may also have had its influence. Anne Elliot speaks for
the greater part of the nation when she says, “the Navy, I think, who
have done so much for us, have at least an equal claim with any other
set of men, for all the comforts and all the privileges which any home
can give. Sailors work hard enough for their comforts we must allow.”
That Sir Walter Elliot represents another large section of the
community is, however, not to be denied, but his opinions are not of
the sort to act as a deterrent to any young man bent on following a
gallant profession.
“Sir Walter’s remark was: ‘The profession has its utility, but I should
be sorry to see any friend of mine belonging to it.’
“‘Indeed!’ was the reply, and with a look of surprise.
“‘Yes, it is in two points offensive to me; I have two strong grounds
of objection to it. First, as being the means of bringing persons of
obscure birth into undue distinction, and raising men to honours which
their fathers and grandfathers never dreamt of; and, secondly, as it
cuts up a man’s youth and vigour most horribly; a sailor grows old
sooner than any other man. I have observed it all my life. A man is in
greater danger in the Navy of being insulted by the rise of one whose
father his father might have disdained to speak to, and of becoming
prematurely an object of disgust to himself, than in any other line.
One day last spring in town I was in company with two men, striking
instances of what I am talking of: Lord St. Ives, whose father we all
know to have been a country curate, without bread to eat: I was to
give place to Lord St. Ives, and a certain Admiral Baldwin, the most
deplorable-looking personage you can imagine; his face the colour of
mahogany, rough and rugged to the last degree; all lines and wrinkles,
nine grey hairs of a side, and nothing but a dab of powder at top.’
“‘In the name of heaven, who is that old fellow?’ said I to a friend of
mine who was standing near (Sir Basil Morley), ‘Old fellow!’ cried Sir
Basil, ‘it is Admiral Baldwin.’
“‘What do you take his age to be?’
“‘Sixty,’ said I, ‘or perhaps sixty-two.’
“‘Forty,’ replied Sir Basil, ‘forty, and no more.’
“‘Picture to yourselves my amazement. I shall not easily forget Admiral
Baldwin. I never saw quite so wretched an example of what a seafaring
life can do; they all are knocked about, and exposed to every climate
and every weather till they are not fit to be seen. It is a pity
they are not knocked on the head at once, before they reach Admiral
Baldwin’s age.’”
CHAPTER IV
PROMOTIONS
As Lieutenant, Francis Austen had very different experience and
surroundings to those of his days as a midshipman. For three years
and more he was in various ships on the home station, which meant a
constant round of dull routine work, enlivened only by chances of
getting home for a few days. While serving in the _Lark_ sloop, he
accompanied to Cuxhaven the squadron told off to bring to England
Princess Caroline of Brunswick, soon to become Princess of Wales.
The voyage out seems to have been arctic in its severity. This bad
weather, combined with dense fogs, caused the _Lark_ to get separated
from the rest of the squadron, and from March 6 till the 11th nothing
was seen or heard of the sloop. On March 18 the Princess came on board
the _Jupiter_, the flagship of the squadron, and arrived in England on
April 5 after a fair passage, but a voyage about as long as that to the
Cape of Good Hope nowadays.
Francis notes in the log of the _Glory_, that while cruising, “the
_Rattler_ cutter joined company, and informed us she yesterday spoke
H.M.S. _Dædalus_”--a matter of some interest to him, as Charles was
then on board the _Dædalus_ as midshipman, under Captain Thomas
Williams. Captain Williams had married Jane Cooper, a cousin of Jane
Austen, who was inclined to tease him about his having “no taste in
names.” The following extract from one of her letters to Cassandra
touches on nearly all these facts:
“SUNDAY, _January 10, 1796_.
“By not returning till the 19th, you will exactly contrive to
miss seeing the Coopers, which I suppose it is your wish to do.
We have heard nothing from Charles for some time. One would
suppose they must have sailed by this time, as the wind is so
favourable. What a funny name Tom has got for his vessel! But
he has no taste in names, as we well know, and I dare say he
christened it himself.”
Tom seems to have been a great favourite with his wife’s cousins. Only
a few days later Jane writes:
“How impertinent you are to write to me about Tom, as if I had not
opportunities of hearing from him myself. The _last_ letter I received
from him was dated on Friday the 8th, and he told me that if the wind
should be favourable on Sunday, which it proved to be, they were to
sail from Falmouth on that day. By this time, therefore, they are at
Barbadoes, I suppose.”
Having the two brothers constantly backwards and forwards must have
been very pleasant at Steventon. Almost every letter has some reference
to one or the other.
“Edward and Frank are both gone forth to seek their fortunes; the
latter is to return soon and help us to seek ours.”
Later from Rowling, Edward Austen’s home, she writes:
“If this scheme holds, I shall hardly be at Steventon before the
middle of the month; but if you cannot do without me I could return,
I suppose, with Frank, if he ever goes back. He enjoys himself here
very much, for he has just learnt to turn, and is so delighted with the
employment that he is at it all day long.... What a fine fellow Charles
is, to deceive us into writing two letters to him at Cork! I admire his
ingenuity extremely, especially as he is so great a gainer by it....
Frank has turned a very nice little butter-churn for Fanny.... We
walked Frank last night to (church at) Crixhall Ruff, and he appeared
much edified. So his Royal Highness Sir Thomas Williams has at length
sailed; the papers say ‘on a cruise.’ But I hope they are gone to
Cork, or I shall have written in vain.... Edward and Fly (short for
Frank) went out yesterday very early in a couple of shooting-jackets,
and came home like a couple of bad shots, for they killed nothing at
all.
“They are out again to-day, and are not yet returned. Delightful sport!
They are just come home--Edward with his two brace, Frank with his two
and a half. What amiable young men!”
About the middle of September 1796 Frank was appointed to the _Triton_,
which event is announced to Cassandra in these terms:
“This morning has been spent in doubt and deliberation, forming plans
and removing difficulties, for it ushered in the day with an event
which I had not intended should take place so soon by a week. Frank has
received his appointment on board the _Captain John Gore_, commanded by
the _Triton_, and will therefore be obliged to be in town on Wednesday;
and though I have every disposition in the world to accompany him on
that day, I cannot go on the uncertainty of the Pearsons being at home.
“The _Triton_ is a new 32-frigate, just launched at Deptford. Frank
is much pleased with the prospect of having Captain Gore under his
command.”
[Illustration: FRANCIS AUSTEN IN 1796]
Francis stayed on board the _Triton_ for about eighteen months. He
then spent six months in the _Seahorse_ before his appointment to
the _London_ off Cadiz, in February 1798. On April 30 following is
recorded in the log of the _London_ the arrival of H.M.S. _Vanguard_,
carrying Rear-Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson’s flag, and on May 3 the
_Vanguard_ proceeded to Gibraltar. On May 24 the “detached squadron”
sailed as follows: _Culloden_ (Captain Troubridge), _Bellerophon_,
_Defence_, _Theseus_, _Goliath_, _Zealous_, _Minotaur_, _Majestic_, and
_Swiftsure_.
These three entries foreshadow the Battle of the Nile, on August 1.
The account of this victory was read to the crew of the _London_
on September 27, and on October 24 they “saw eleven sail in the
south-west--the _Orion_ and the French line of battleships, prizes to
Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson’s fleet.”
Now and then the _London_ went as far as Ceuta or Gibraltar, and the
log notes, “Cape Trafalgar East 7 leagues.”
It is curious to think that “Trafalgar” conveyed nothing remarkable to
the writer. One wonders too what view would have been expressed as to
the plan of making Gibraltar a naval command, obviously advantageous in
twentieth-century conditions, but probably open to many objections in
those days.
Charles, in December 1797, was promoted to be a Lieutenant, serving in
the _Scorpion_. There is something in the account of William Price’s
joy over his promotion which irresistibly calls up the picture of
Charles in the same circumstances. Francis would always have carried
his honours with decorum, but Charles’ bubbling enthusiasm would have
been more difficult to restrain.
“William had obtained a ten days’ leave of absence, to be given to
Northamptonshire, and was coming to show his happiness and describe his
uniform. He came, and he would have been delighted to show his uniform
there too, had not cruel custom prohibited its appearance except on
duty. So the uniform remained at Portsmouth, and Edmund conjectured
that before Fanny had any chance of seeing it, all its own freshness,
and all the freshness of its wearer’s feelings, must be worn away. It
would be sunk into a badge of disgrace; for what can be more unbecoming
or more worthless than the uniform of a lieutenant who has been a
lieutenant a year or two, and sees others made commanders before him?
So reasoned Edmund, till his father made him the confidant of a scheme
which placed Fanny’s chance of seeing the Second Lieutenant of H.M.S.
_Thrush_ in all his glory, in another light. This scheme was that she
should accompany her brother back to Portsmouth, and spend a little
time with her own family. William was almost as happy in the plan as
his sister. It would be the greatest pleasure to him to have her
there to the last moment before he sailed, and perhaps find her there
still when he came in from his first cruise. And, besides, he wanted
her so very much to see the _Thrush_ before she went out of harbour
(the _Thrush_ was certainly the finest sloop in the service). And
there were several improvements in the dockyard, too, which he quite
longed to show her.... Of pleasant talk between the brother and sister
there was no end. Everything supplied an amusement to the high glee of
William’s mind, and he was full of frolic and joke in the intervals of
their high-toned subjects, all of which ended, if they did not begin,
in praise of the _Thrush_--conjectures how she would be employed,
schemes for an action with some superior force, which (supposing the
first lieutenant out of the way--and William was not very merciful to
the first lieutenant) was to give himself the next step as soon as
possible, or speculations upon prize-money, which was to be generously
distributed at home with only the reservation of enough to make the
little cottage comfortable in which he and Fanny were to pass all their
middle and later life together.”
Charles’s year in the _Scorpion_ was spent under the command of Captain
John Tremayne Rodd. The chief event was the capture of the _Courier_,
a Dutch brig carrying six guns. Undoubtedly the life was dull on a
small brig, and Charles as midshipman had not been used to be dull. He
evidently soon began to be restless, and to agitate for removal, which
he got just about the same time as that of Francis’s promotion.
In December 1798 Francis was made Commander of the _Peterel_ sloop,
and Charles, still as Lieutenant, was moved from the _Scorpion_ to the
frigate _Tamar_, and eventually to the _Endymion_, commanded by his old
friend and captain, Sir Thomas Williams.
Charles had evidently written to his sister Cassandra to complain of
his hard lot. Cassandra was away at the time, staying with Edward
Austen at Godmersham, but she sent the letter home, and on December 18
Jane writes in answer:
“I am sorry our dear Charles begins to feel the dignity of ill-usage.
My father will write to Admiral Gambier” (who was then one of the
Lords of the Admiralty). “He must have already received so much
satisfaction from his acquaintance and patronage of Frank, that he will
be delighted, I dare say, to have another of the family introduced to
him. I think it would be very right in Charles to address Sir Thomas
on the occasion, though I cannot approve of your scheme of writing to
him (which you communicated to me a few nights ago) to request him to
come home and convey you to Steventon. To do you justice, you had
some doubts of the propriety of such a measure yourself. The letter to
Gambier goes to-day.”
This is followed, on December 24, by a letter which must have been as
delightful to write as to receive.
“I have got some pleasant news for you which I am eager to communicate,
and therefore begin my letter sooner, though I shall not send it sooner
than usual. Admiral Gambier, in reply to my father’s application,
writes as follows: ‘As it is usual to keep young officers’ (Charles was
then only nineteen) ‘in small vessels, it being most proper on account
of their inexperience, and it being also a situation where they are
more in the way of learning their duty, your son has been continued
in the _Scorpion_; but I have mentioned to the Board of Admiralty his
wish to be in a frigate, and when a proper opportunity offers, and it
is judged that he has taken his turn in a small ship, I hope he will be
removed. With regard to your son now in the _London_, I am glad I can
give you the assurance that his promotion is likely to take place very
soon, as Lord Spencer has been so good as to say he would include him
in an arrangement that he proposes making in a short time relative to
some promotions in that quarter.’
“There! I may now finish my letter and go and hang myself, for I am
sure I can neither write nor do anything which will not appear insipid
to you after this. Now I really think he will soon be made, and only
wish we could communicate our foreknowledge of the event to him whom it
principally concerns. My father has written to Daysh to desire that he
will inform us, if he can, when the commission is sent. Your chief wish
is now ready to be accomplished, and could Lord Spencer give happiness
to Martha at the same time, what a joyful heart he would make of yours!”
It is quite clear from this, and many other of the letters of Jane to
Cassandra, that both sisters were anxious to bring off a match between
Frank and their great friend, Martha Lloyd, whose younger sister was
the wife of James Austen. Martha Lloyd eventually became Frank’s second
wife nearly thirty years after the date of this letter.
Jane continues her letter by saying:
“I have sent the same extract of the sweets of Gambier to Charles, who,
poor fellow! though he sinks into nothing but an humble attendant on
the hero of the piece, will, I hope, be contented with the prospect
held out to him. By what the Admiral says, it appears as if he had been
designedly kept in the _Scorpion_. But I will not torment myself with
conjectures and suppositions. Facts shall satisfy me. Frank had not
heard from any of us for ten weeks, when he wrote to me on November 12,
in consequence of Lord St. Vincent being removed to Gibraltar. When his
commission is sent, however, it will not be so long on its road as our
letters, because all the Government despatches are forwarded by land
to his lordship from Lisbon with great regularity. The lords of the
Admiralty will have enough of our applications at present, for I hear
from Charles that he has written to Lord Spencer himself to be removed.
I am afraid his Serene Highness will be in a passion, and order some of
our heads to be cut off.”
The next letter, of December 28, is the culminating-point:
“Frank is made. He was yesterday raised to the rank of Commander, and
appointed to the _Peterel_ sloop, now at Gibraltar. A letter from Daysh
has just announced this, and as it is confirmed by a very friendly one
from Mr. Matthew to the same effect, transcribing one from Admiral
Gambier to the General, we have no reason to suspect the truth of it.
“As soon as you have cried a little for joy, you may go on, and learn
farther that the India House have taken Captain Austen’s petition into
consideration--this comes from Daysh--and likewise that Lieutenant
Charles John Austen is removed to the _Tamar_ frigate--this comes from
the Admiral. We cannot find out where the _Tamar_ is, but I hope we
shall now see Charles here at all events.
“This letter is to be dedicated entirely to good news. If you will
send my father an account of your washing and letter expenses, &c., he
will send you a draft for the amount of it, as well as for your next
quarter, and for Edward’s rent. If you don’t buy a muslin gown on the
strength of this money and Frank’s promotion I shall never forgive you.
“Mrs. Lefroy has just sent me word that Lady Dorchester meant to invite
me to her ball on January 8, which, though an humble blessing compared
with what the last page records, I do not consider any calamity. I
cannot write any more now, but I have written enough to make you very
happy, and therefore may safely conclude.”
Jane was in great hopes that Charles would get home in time for this
ball at Kempshot, but he “could not get superceded in time,” and so did
not arrive until some days later. On January 21 we find him going off
to join his ship, not very well pleased with existing arrangements.
“Charles leaves us to-night. The _Tamar_ is in the Downs, and Mr. Daysh
advises him to join her there directly, as there is no chance of her
going to the westward. Charles does not approve of this at all, and
will not be much grieved if he should be too late for her before she
sails, as he may then hope to get a better station. He attempted to go
to town last night, and got as far on his road thither as Dean Gate;
but both the coaches were full, and we had the pleasure of seeing
him back again. He will call on Daysh to-morrow, to know whether the
_Tamar_ has sailed or not, and if she is still at the Downs he will
proceed in one of the night coaches to Deal.
“I want to go with him, that I may explain the country properly to him
between Canterbury and Rowling, but the unpleasantness of returning by
myself deters me. I should like to go as far as Ospringe with him very
much indeed, that I might surprise you at Godmersham.”
Charles evidently did get off this time, for we read a few days later
that he had written from the Downs, and was pleased to find himself
Second Lieutenant on board the _Tamar_.
The _Endymion_ was also in the Downs, a further cause of satisfaction.
It was only three weeks later that Charles was reappointed to the
_Endymion_ as Lieutenant, in which frigate he saw much service,
chiefly off Algeciras, under his old friend “Tom.” One is inclined to
wonder how far this accidental meeting in the Downs influenced the
appointment. Charles appears on many occasions to have had a quite
remarkable gift for getting what he wanted. His charm of manner,
handsome face, and affectionate disposition, combined with untiring
enthusiasm, must have made him very hard to resist, and he evidently
had no scruple about making his wants clear to all whom it might
concern. The exact value of interest in these matters is always
difficult to gauge, but there is no doubt that a well-timed application
was nearly always necessary for advancement. The account of the way in
which Henry Crawford secured promotion for William Price is no doubt an
excellent example of how things were done.
Henry takes William to dinner with the Admiral, and encourages him to
talk. The Admiral takes a fancy to the young man, and speaks to some
friends about him with a view to his promotion. The result is contained
in the letters which Henry so joyfully hands over to Fanny to read.
“Fanny could not speak, but he did not want her to speak. To see the
expression of her eyes, the change of her complexion, the progress of
her feelings--their doubt, confusion and felicity--was enough. She took
the letters as he gave them. The first was from the Admiral to inform
his nephew, in a few words, of his having succeeded in the object
he had undertaken (the promotion of young Price), and enclosing two
more--one from the secretary of the First Lord to a friend, whom the
Admiral had set to work in the business; the other from that friend
to himself, by which it appeared that his lordship had the very great
happiness of attending to the recommendation of Sir Charles; that Sir
Charles was much delighted in having such an opportunity of proving his
regard for Admiral Crawford, and that the circumstances of Mr. William
Price’s commission as Second Lieutenant of H.M. sloop _Thrush_ being
made out, was spreading general joy through a wide circle of great
people.”
CHAPTER V
THE _PETEREL_ SLOOP
It will, perhaps, be as well to recall some of the principal events of
the war, during the few years before Francis took up his command of the
_Peterel_, in order that his work may be better understood.
Spain had allied herself with France in 1796, and early in the
following year matters looked most unpromising for England. The British
fleet had been obliged to leave the Mediterranean. Bonaparte was
gaining successes against Austria on land. The peace negotiations,
which had been begun by France, had been peremptorily stopped, while
the French expedition to Ireland obviously owed its failure to bad
weather, and not in the least to any effective interference on the part
of the British Navy. Altogether the horizon was dark, and every one in
England was expecting to hear of crushing disaster dealt out by the
combined fleets of France and Spain, and all lived in fear of invasion.
Very different was the news that arrived in London early in March.
Sir John Jervis, with Nelson and Collingwood, met the Spanish fleet
off Cape St. Vincent on Valentine’s Day, and we all know the result.
As Jervis said on the morning of the fight, “A victory was essential
to England at this moment.” The confidence of the nation returned, and
was not lost again through the hard struggle of the following years. An
extract from the log of Lieutenant F. W. Austen, on board the frigate
_Seahorse_, in the Hamoaze, October 6, 1797, reads as follows: “Came
into harbour the _San Josef_, _Salvador del Mundo_, _San Nicolai_, and
_San Isidore_, Spanish line-of-battle ships, captured by the fleet
under Lord St. Vincent on the 14th February.”
After their defeat, the remainder of the Spanish fleet entered the port
of Cadiz, and were for the next two years blockaded by Admiral Jervis,
now Earl St. Vincent. In this blockade, Francis Austen took part,
serving in the _London_.
During this time of comparative inaction, the fearful mutinies,
described in a former chapter, seemed to be sapping the strength of
the Navy. The greater number of the British ships were concentrated
in the Channel under Lord Bridport, and were employed in watching the
harbour of Brest, in order to prevent the French fleet from escaping,
with what success we shall presently tell. Our flag was scarcely to
be seen inside the Mediterranean except on a few sloops of war. Each
side was waiting for some movement of aggression from the other. Now
was Bonaparte’s chance to get to the East. His plans were quietly and
secretly formed. An armament was prepared at Toulon almost unknown
to the British, and at the same time all possible measures to avert
suspicion were taken. The Spanish fleet in Cadiz formed up as if for
departure, and so kept Lord St. Vincent on the watch, while Bonaparte
himself stayed in Paris until the expedition was quite ready to start,
in order to give the idea that the invasion of England was intended.
Still it was not practicable to keep the preparations entirely secret
for any length of time.
Early in April 1798 Nelson sailed from England, joined St. Vincent
at Cadiz, and immediately went on into the Mediterranean, with three
ships of the line, to reconnoitre. He was reinforced by nine more under
Troubridge, and Lord St. Vincent had orders from home to follow with
the entire squadron if it should prove necessary. Nelson searched for
Bonaparte in the Mediterranean, and missed him twice. The French seized
Malta for the sake of getting their supplies through, but the British
as promptly blockaded it. At last, on August 1, Nelson came upon the
French fleet anchored in Aboukir Bay, and the Battle of the Nile was
fought. The situation now created can be briefly summarised. Bonaparte
was in Egypt, cut off from all communication with France, and however
determinedly he might turn his face towards Africa or Asia his position
was a serious one. Turkey almost immediately declared war against
France. Malta was still closely blockaded by the British. Nelson had
established himself at Palermo, on friendly terms with the King of
Naples, who had taken refuge in Sicily. The news of the Battle of the
Nile had spread far and wide, and France had good reason to fear that
the tide had turned against her.
Early in 1799 Bonaparte attacked Acre, and Sir Sydney Smith was sent to
harass his forces, and to compel him, if possible, to raise the siege.
At this time occurred one of those events which show how a slight
advantage, properly used, may decide the final issue. Matters were in
this critical state; every British ship in and near the Mediterranean
was employed at some important work, when that happened which might
have been the cause of serious disaster. Admiral Bruix got away from
Brest with a fleet of twenty-five sail of the line and ten smaller
ships.
The blame of this mishap is not at all easy to attach. Lord Bridport
was still in command of the Channel Fleet, but the Admiralty seemed to
prefer to keep him in touch with headquarters off the coast of Kent,
rather than to allow him to maintain a position whence he could more
easily keep watch on the French fleet. Now ensued an exciting time. No
one knew where the French fleet was, much less whither it was bound.
They had escaped in a thick fog, being seen only by _La Nymphe_, one of
the British frigates, whose officers, owing to the density of the fog,
imagined that they saw the fleet bring to under the land, and signalled
accordingly to Lord Bridport. When the fog lifted the French fleet was
no longer in sight.
Of course the first idea was that they had gone to Ireland, and off
went Lord Bridport to pursue them. A little later news was received
that they had sailed southward, and a correspondent at this time
writes: “Lord St. Vincent will have a fine field to exert his talents
if the French fleet join the Spanish, after capturing Lisbon.”
On the morning of May 5, from the Rock of Gibraltar, Lord St. Vincent
saw, with the deepest anxiety, the French fleet running before a
westerly gale into the Mediterranean. His most immediate fear was lest
Bruix should be on his way to help Bonaparte at Acre, and to overwhelm
Sydney Smith’s squadron. If so, the question was how to stop him. Lord
Bridport’s fleet was useless, as it was not until nearly four weeks
later that he was able to send help. Lord Keith was blockading Cadiz.
If he left, the whole Spanish fleet would be released and at liberty to
attack where they would. Nelson was at Palermo with only one British
line-of-battle ship, and great would be the consternation in the town
if that one ship were to be withdrawn. A small squadron was blockading
Malta, and a few ships were at Minorca under Commodore Duckworth,
but Port Mahon was not yet fully garrisoned. Troubridge was outside
Naples. Bruix might attack any of these divisions with the full force
of his fleet, or he might proceed straight to Egypt. St. Vincent had to
determine which of these positions should be abandoned in order to meet
the French fleet. He decided on ordering Keith into the Mediterranean
so as to concentrate the available forces, sending word as far as
possible to the outlying squadrons.
To Nelson at Palermo he wrote that he expected the enemy to proceed to
Malta and Alexandria. This despatch was entrusted to the _Hyena_, which
fell in with the _Peterel_, now under the command of Francis Austen.
The _Peterel_ was already on the way to Nelson with a despatch from
Minorca, and, being a fast-sailing sloop, the captain of the _Hyena_ at
once handed on the important paper to be delivered by Captain Austen.
The entries in the log of the _Peterel_ at this date tell their own
story:
“_May 10._--On the passage from Minorca to Palermo.
“12 noon.--Off shore four or five miles.
“2 o’clock.--Answered the private signal made by a ship in the S.S.E.
“4 o’clock.--Showed our pendants to a ship in the S.S.E.
“5 o’clock.--Joined H.M.S. _Hyena_; lowered the jolly-boat, and went on
board.
“10 past 5.--Up boat and made all sail; the _Hyena_ parted company,
standing to the N.W.
“_May 12._ A quarter past 9.--Saw a sail on the lee bow, made the
private signal to her, which was answered. Made the signal for having
gained intelligence, and repeated it with four guns, but it was not
answered.
“15 minutes past 11.--Hove to; lowered the jolly-boat and went on board
the stranger, which proved to be H.M.S. _Pallas_, with a convoy for the
westward.
“20 minutes past 11.--Up boat, filled, and made all sail as before.
Observed the _Pallas_ bear up and follow us with her convoy.
“_May 13._--At daylight, Cape Trepano (in Sicily). S.S.W. five or six
leagues.
“A quarter-past 3 P.M.--Shortened sail, backed ship, hove to and
lowered the boat. The first lieutenant went on shore with despatches
for Lord Nelson at Palermo.
“A quarter before 4.--The boat returned, hoisted her up, and made all
sail.
“NOTE.--The place at which the first lieutenant landed was on the
east side of the Bay, between Cape St. Vito and Cape Alos, and about
twenty-four miles by road from Palermo.”
The following is the letter which Captain Austen sent to the Admiral,
with the despatches:
“_Peterel_ AT SEA, OFF CAPE ST. VITO, _May 13, 1799_.
“MY LORD,--I have the honour to inform your Lordship that I
sailed from the Island of Minorca with his Majesty’s sloop
under my command, at 11 A.M. on Friday, the 10th inst., charged
with the accompanying despatch for your lordship, and the same
evening met his Majesty’s ship _Hyena_, about five leagues
S.E. by S. of Fort Mahon, from the captain of which I received
the paper enclosed; and judging from the contents of it that
its speedy arrival must be of the utmost consequence, and that
a passage by land may be performed in much less time than by
sea, with the wind as it now is at the E.S.E., I have directed
Mr. Staines, my first lieutenant, to land with the despatch
at Castella, and proceed with all possible expedition to your
lordship at Palermo, to which place I shall carry his Majesty’s
sloop as soon as I can.
“I fell in with his Majesty’s ship _Pallas_ and convoy
yesterday at 11 A.M., about fifteen leagues E.S.E. of Cape
Carbonera, and, in consequence of the intelligence I gave the
captain of that ship bore up with his convoy for Palermo. I
enclose the state and condition of his Majesty’s sloop under my
command, and have the honour to be,
“My lord,
“Your lordship’s most obedient
“humble servant,
“FRANCIS WM. AUSTEN.
“To the Rt. Hon. Lord Nelson, K.B.,
Etc., etc., etc.”
“_May 14._--At four o’clock hove to in Palermo Bay. The first
lieutenant returned on board. At six o’clock filled and made all sail
on the larboard tack, pinnace ahead towing.”
Nelson was at this time short of small vessels by which to send news.
He therefore employed the _Peterel_ to go on to the blockading squadron
off Malta with orders, which were delivered on board H.M.S. _Goliath_,
about noon on May 19. The _Peterel_ then returned to Minorca.
[Illustration: SLOOP OF WAR AND FRIGATE]
Bruix, contrary to expectation, did nothing with his chance. Probably
the aim of the Directory in sending him was to discover how far Spain
was to be relied upon for support, and there may have been no intention
of employing him to help Bonaparte, but Bruix seems to have had
a free hand in the matter, so that his own want of resolution and
failure of insight are the apparent causes of the expedition proving
inconclusive.
The Spanish fleet came out of Cadiz, as was of course to be expected,
and on May 30 Bruix sailed eastward from Toulon, getting into
communication with General Moreau at Genoa. The great matter was to
keep the two fleets from combining, and this might be done by following
the French fleet and beating it. Lord St. Vincent’s health now entirely
gave way, and he was obliged to give up the command to Keith, though it
is probable he expected to have his advice still followed. Lord Keith
sailed away in pursuit, but Bruix doubled on his tracks, and keeping
close in shore repassed Toulon, and got down to Cartagena, where he met
the Spanish fleet. Keith, instead of taking up the commanding position
earnestly recommended by St. Vincent, let his chance slip by going back
to Minorca, which he supposed to be in danger, and thus the conjunction
of the fleets took place. It was however followed by no adverse
results. Spain was lukewarm, and Bruix sailed back to Brest, having
accomplished nothing but an addition of fifteen ships to his fleet,
to serve as a pledge for the goodwill of the Spanish Government. Had
Bruix joined Bonaparte instead of the Spanish fleet, very different
results would almost certainly have followed.
The following proclamation will show clearly how important the support
of Spain was felt to be, and how anxious Bruix was lest there should be
any cause for disagreement.
“In the name of the French Republic.
“In the Road of Cartagena, on board the Admiral’s sloop the
_Ocean_, dated 24th June, in the seventh year of the French
Republic, Eustace Bruix commanding the French fleet.
“FRENCHMEN AND REPUBLICANS,--At last, united with our faithful
allies, we approach the period when we shall punish England and
relieve Europe from all its tyranny. Although I have no doubt,
my brave friends, of the sentiments which you have professed,
I felt myself bound to call upon you to give proofs of their
sincerity by every means in your power. Recollect that it is
for the interests of your country, and for your own _honour_,
to give to a nation, whom we esteem, the highest opinion of
us. That word alone is enough for Frenchmen. Do not above all
forget that you are come among a just and generous people, and
our most faithful allies. Respect their customs, their usages,
their religion. In a word, let everything be sacred to us.
Think the least departure from that which I am now prescribing
to you will be a crime in the eyes of the Republic, for which
it will be my duty to punish you. But, on the contrary, I am
convinced that you will give me an opportunity of praising your
conduct, and that will be the greatest recompence I can receive.
“E. BRUIX.”
Carrying Lord St. Vincent’s letter to Nelson seems to have been the
first service of importance which fell to the share of Captain Austen.
Perhaps some description of the more ordinary happenings of the life
on board of a sloop of war may prove of interest. The change from the
position of First Lieutenant on board a ship of the line to that of the
Captain of a small vessel must necessarily have been very marked.
Towards the end of 1798 the _Peterel_ had had the misfortune to be
captured by the Spaniards, who treated the captain (Charles Long) and
his crew very badly. The following day she was rescued by the _Argo_,
under Captain Bowen. Francis Austen was then given the command, and on
February 27 we find him taking over his new duties, the _Peterel_ being
then moored in Gibraltar Bay.
The first few months were spent in cruising about the west of the
Mediterranean. Almost every day there was a pursuit of some vessel of
more or less importance. Sometimes “the chace” proved to be a friendly
craft, sometimes she got away, but not infrequently was captured and
overhauled. On one occasion, Francis Austen remarks trenchantly, “Our
chace proved to be a tower on the land.”
Evidently the plan of procedure was always to follow up and find
out the nationality of any distant sail. If a friend, news was
interchanged, and often some help might be given. If an enemy, an
attack usually followed. One of these small encounters is described in
the log of the date March 23, 1799, the _Peterel_ then cruising off the
south side of Majorca.
“11 o’clock.--Saw a latteen-sail boat, appearing to be a privateer,
just within the western point of Cabrera. From the manœuvres of this
boat I judge her to be a privateer. When we first saw her she was
on the starboard tack, and seemed to be examining us. I could just
distinguish her hull from the Catharpins. She appeared to be full of
men. She was rigged with one large latteen sail, and might be about
fifteen to twenty tons.”
This boat was evidently not to be seen again until “At a quarter past
3, perceived the chace run round a point of the island into a cove,
under the protection of a castle situated on a high rock. This was
the same boat we saw in the forenoon. Our appearance had evidently
frightened them, and they judged it prudent to keep snug till we were
gone by, and, at the time they ventured out, supposed us too far off
to distinguish them. It was, indeed, with difficulty that we could, as
the distance was full three leagues, and their sail was nearly the same
colour as the rock along which they were passing.
“The cove or haven into which the boat went is about three-quarters of
a mile from the N.W. point of the island, and is completely land-locked
by the two points which form it overlapping. We were close in, not more
than a quarter of a mile from the westernmost of these points, but
could get no ground with forty fathoms line. The castle is situated
on a pinnacle rock or cliff on the eastern side of the entrance, and
from its situation I should judge it difficult of access to an hostile
approach. They had not more than two guns in it, and those were not
more than four- or six-pounders. Several of their shot went over us,
and others fell within a few yards on each side of us, but not one
struck the ship. Ours all went on shore, and I believe most of them
struck the castle, but there was too much motion to fire with very
great precision. This cove, from its situation, is a most excellent
place of resort for small privateers, as they are secure from the
effects of any wind, and can from the height discover the approach of
any vessel, and be ready to push out on them when they may be too close
to the island to effect their escape.”
With nightfall this attack had to be abandoned, and by six o’clock the
next morning, March 24, the _Peterel_ was in pursuit of another “chace.”
“At a quarter past 8, hoisted out the pinnace and launch and sent them
to board the chace.
“At 8 o’clock, I could discern with a glass the privateer, with his
sail furled, laying in his oars, just within the west point of the
cove, ready to pop out on the Spanish boat, and, but for our being so
near, certainly would have recaptured her, but when our boats put off
from the ship he went in again.
“At 10 o’clock, the boats returned with the chace, which proved to be
a Spanish coasting-vessel of 20 tons, from Cadiz bound to Barcelona
with wheat, prize to the _General Pigot_, a privateer belonging to
Gibraltar. Supplied him with a few baracoes of water.
“At 11 o’clock, in boats and made sail on the larboard tack.”
This account of a twenty-four hours on board the _Peterel_ will give
some idea of the constant interest and continual demand on the judgment
incidental to this life. This particular day, though a full one, was
barren of results. The privateer got out of the way of the _Peterel_,
and the chace which they did succeed in boarding had already
surrendered to another British ship. The entries of a few days later,
March 28, will show how varying was the success of these encounters. On
that day they secured three prizes in twelve hours.
“5 o’clock A.M., saw a strange sail bear S.W. by S. Bore up and set
royal and steering sails in chace.
“8 o’clock.--Fresh breezes and clear weather; came up with the chace
close off the west end of Ivica. Shortened sail and hove to, sent a
boat on board; she proved to be a Spanish brig laden with barley, from
Almeria bound to Barcelona. Sent an officer and eight men to take
possession, and took all the Spaniards out of her.
“At 10 o’clock.--Took her in tow, and made sail to the eastward.
“At half-past 10.--Saw a brig at the south part of Ivica, cast off the
tow, and made all sail in chace.
“Half-past 11.--In steering sails.
“At noon.--Moderate and clear weather, passing through between Ivica
and Formenterra, prize in company.
“Half-past 12.--Fired five guns at the chace to make her bring to, but
without effect.
“At 1 o’clock.--She anchored close under a signal tower with four guns
on it. Hoisted out the pinnace, and sent her armed under the direction
of the second lieutenant to board the vessel.
“Half-past 2.--The pinnace returned with the brig; sent her away to
cut out a small vessel, which was then riding about half a mile to the
westward of the tower. The brig appears to be French, but no one was
found on board her. Sent an officer and five men to take charge of her.
“At 5 o’clock.--The pinnace returned with the other vessel, a Spanish
settee, appearing by papers found on board to be the Alicant packet.
Her crew had quitted her on seeing our boats approach. Sent an officer
and five men on board to take charge of her. Took her in tow and made
sail; prizes in company.”
Such days as this were of quite frequent occurrence. Sometimes the
prizes were of great value, as on April 11, when the _Peterel_, in
company with the _Powerful_ and the _Leviathan_, assisted in capturing
a vessel which they thought to be a despatch-boat, and therefore of the
first importance. She proved to be a fishing-boat, employed in carrying
a brigadier-general, a lieutenant-colonel, and a captain of the Walloon
Guards over to Ivica from Alicant. She had on board specie to the
amount of 9000 dollars. The _Peterel’s_ share of this valuable prize
was 1469 dollars, which was paid out in the following proportions:
To a captain 750 dollars
” a lieutenant 62½ ”
” a warrant officer 36¾ ”
” a petty officer 10¼ ”
” a foremast man 2 ”
It is to be feared that the prize-money was a doubtful blessing to
the foremast hands, especially as the _Peterel_ was then nearing Port
Mahon, where they lay at anchor for three days, during which it was no
doubt easy to incur the punishments for drunkenness and neglect of duty
which we find meted out two days later.
Another capture of political importance is detailed on the 26th April,
when a Spanish tartan, the _San Antonio de Padua_, was brought to,
having on board fifty-three soldiers belonging to a company of the 3rd
battalion of the Walloon Guards, who were being conveyed from Barcelona
to Majorca. These, with sailors and a few recruits also on board,
summed up a capture of seventy-nine Spanish prisoners, who were taken
on board the _Peterel_.
The tartan was manned by a midshipman and seven men, and taken in tow.
The prisoners were afterwards transferred to the _Centaur_, and the
prize, after everything was taken out of her, was scuttled.
These few instances will serve to show the kind of life of which we get
such tantalising hints in “Persuasion.”
The account Captain Wentworth gives to the two Miss Musgroves and to
Admiral Croft of his earlier commands is a case in point. The date is
not the same, for we remember that Captain Wentworth first got employ
in the year six (1806), soon after he had parted in anger from Anne
Elliot.
“The Miss Musgroves were just fetching the ‘Navy List’ (their own ‘Navy
List,’ the first there had ever been at Uppercross), and sitting down
together to pore over it, with the professed view of finding out the
ships which Captain Wentworth had commanded.
“‘Your first was the _Asp_, I remember. We will look for the _Asp_.’
“‘You will not find her there. Quite worn out and broken up. I was the
last man who commanded her. Hardly fit for service then. Reported fit
for home service for a year or two, and so I was sent off to the West
Indies.’
“The girls looked all amazement.
“‘The Admiralty,’ he continued, ‘entertain themselves now and then with
sending a few hundred men to sea in a ship not fit to be employed. But
they have a great many to provide for; and among the thousands that may
just as well go to the bottom as not, it is impossible for them to
distinguish the very set who may be least missed.’
“‘Phoo! phoo!’ cried the Admiral. ‘What stuff these young fellows talk!
Never was there a better sloop than the _Asp_ in her day. For an old
built sloop you would not see her equal. Lucky fellow to get her! He
knows there must have been twenty better men than himself applying for
her at the same time. Lucky fellow to get anything so soon, with no
more interest than his.’
“‘I felt my luck, Admiral, I assure you,’ replied Captain Wentworth
seriously. ‘I was as well satisfied with my appointment as you can
desire. It was a great object with me at the time to be at sea; a very
great object. I wanted to be doing something.’
“‘To be sure you did. What should a young fellow like you do ashore
for half a year together? If a man has not a wife, he soon wants to be
afloat again.’
“‘But, Captain Wentworth,’ cried Louisa, ‘how vexed you must have been
when you came to the _Asp_, to see what an old thing they had given
you.’
“‘I knew pretty well what she was before that day,’ said he, smiling. ‘I
had no more discoveries to make than you would have as to the fashion
and strength of an old pelisse, which you had seen lent about among
half your acquaintance ever since you could remember, and which at last
on some very wet day is lent to yourself. Ah! she was a dear old _Asp_
to me. She did all I wanted. I knew she would. I knew that we should
either go to the bottom together, or that she would be the making of
me; and I never had two days of foul weather all the time I was at sea
in her; and after taking privateers enough to be very entertaining, I
had the good luck in my passage home the next autumn to fall in with
the very French frigate I wanted. I brought her into Plymouth; and here
was another instance of luck. We had not been six hours in the Sound
when a gale came on which lasted four days and four nights, and which
would have done for poor old _Asp_ in half the time, our touch with the
Great Nation not having improved our condition. Four and twenty hours
later and I should only have been a gallant Captain Wentworth in a
small paragraph at one corner of the newspapers; and being lost in only
a sloop, nobody would have thought about me.’
“The girls were now hunting for the _Laconia_; and Captain Wentworth
could not deny himself the pleasure of taking the precious volume into
his own hands to save them the trouble, and once more read aloud the
little statement of her name and rate, and present non-commissioned
class. Observing over it that she too had been one of the best friends
man ever had.
“‘Ah, those were pleasant days when I had the _Laconia_! How fast I
made money in her! A friend of mine and I had such a lovely cruise
together off the Western Islands. Poor Harville, sister! You know how
much he wanted money: worse than myself. He had a wife. Excellent
fellow! I shall never forget his happiness. He felt it all so much for
her sake. I wished for him again next summer, when I had still the
same luck in the Mediterranean.’”
One cannot but feel, when one comes on such a conversation in Jane
Austen’s novel, how perfectly she understood the details of her
brothers’ lives. Her interest and sympathy were so great that we can
almost hear Francis and Charles recounting experiences to their home
circle, with a delicious dwelling on the dangers, for the sake of
inward shudders, or “more open exclamations of pity and horror” from
their hearers, with sidelong hits at the Admiralty, and with the true
sailor’s love of, and pride in, the vessels he has commanded.
CHAPTER VI
THE PATROL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
It will be remembered that at the close of 1796 scarcely a British
man-of-war was to be seen in the Mediterranean. To estimate the
work that St. Vincent and Nelson had since accomplished, it is only
necessary to say that by the summer of 1799 the British Navy was
everywhere, blockading Genoa and Malta, patrolling the Egyptian and
Syrian coasts, and in possession of Minorca, while Nelson was stationed
at Palermo. The French armies in Italy were cut off from reinforcements
by our ships before Genoa. Bonaparte’s soldiers in Egypt were equally
helpless, though he himself managed to get home in spite of the danger
of capture.
Attempts were of course made by the French to change this position.
Rear-Admiral Perrée had served on the immense fleet which Bonaparte
took to Egypt in 1798, and there was appointed to the command of the
light flotilla intended to patrol the Nile. Most of his seniors were
shortly afterwards killed or captured by Nelson’s fleet in Aboukir
Bay, and he then took charge of the remaining frigates which had safely
anchored at Alexandria, and which were compelled to remain there,
as Captain Troubridge had established a blockade of the coast. When
Bonaparte marched for Syria, early in 1799, Perrée was ordered to
bring battering cannon to Haifa for the attack on Acre. It was some
time before he got the opportunity to slip out of Alexandria, and
he then found Jaffa the only place available for landing the guns.
Accomplishing this, he vainly endeavoured to co-operate in the siege
of Acre, but was driven off by the _Tigre_ and _Theseus_ under Sir
Sydney Smith. The blockade made it impossible for Perrée to re-enter
Alexandria. The five vessels therefore sailed for Toulon, and on June
18 we have in the log of the _Peterel_ the account of the capture of
this unlucky squadron, within a few hours of their French haven.
_June 17._--“Admiral (Lord Keith) and fleet in company. The _Emerald_
made signal for five sail in sight. The Admiral signalled for general
chace. Answered his signal to us to keep between the Admiral and the
chacing ships in N.E., to repeat signals. At 8 P.M. _Emerald_ N.E., six
or seven miles, Admiral west, four miles.
_June 18._--“One o’clock P.M. Saw four sail bearing N.W. At six, five
sail of strangers in sight. At seven, perceived the _Centaur_ open
a fire on the chace, which was returned. Saw two of them strike and
shorten sail. Half-past seven, the _Emerald_ got up with, and took
possession of, another. At eight o’clock the _Centaur_ brought to a
fourth. The _Success_ and the _Triton_ in chace of the fifth.
_June 19._--“At daylight, ten of the fleet and five prizes in company.
Boats of the fleet employed on the 19th getting the prisoners out of
the prizes. These ships proved to be a squadron which had escaped out
of Alexandria on the 19th of March, and, after cruising a considerable
time off Joppa, were returning to Toulon. Their names are as follows:
_La Junon_ 38 guns, 600 men (with a Rear-Admiral on board).
_L’Alceste_ 36 guns.
_La Courageuse_ 32 guns, 300 men.
_L’Alerte_ 16-gun brig.
_La Salamine_ 16-gun ditto.”
Marshal Suwarrow, in command of the Russian and Austrian armies, was
now making use of Bonaparte’s enforced detention in Egypt to drive
the French out of Italy. By June, after the battle of the Trebbia, he
had not only shut up Moreau’s army in Genoa, but had driven Macdonald
back into Tuscany. It was only with the greatest difficulty that the
two French commanders were able eventually to join forces in Genoa.
With characteristic want of confidence in their generals, the French
Directory sent out General Joubert to take command in the place of the
two who had been worsted. Almost immediately after his arrival, he was
himself utterly defeated and killed at the battle of Novi. Nothing was
left of the French possessions in Italy except Genoa, and a few smaller
fortified places. To Genoa Massena came after his successful exploits
in Switzerland, and made his memorable stand, against the Austrian army
besieging by land and the British blockading by sea.
With these events during 1799 and 1800, the _Peterel_ was in constant
touch. On one occasion, off Savona, a vessel was taken containing two
hundred and fifty wounded soldiers, who were being conveyed from Genoa
back to France after the indecisive battle of the Trebbia. On this
Captain Austen remarks, “As many of them were in such a state as not to
be moved but at the risque of their lives, Captain Caulfield (of the
_Aurora_), from motives of humanity, let the vessel proceed.”
Another capture shows how much the French were hampered by our
blockade, their general being unable to reach his army excepting by
sea. In Francis Austen’s own words:
_August 2, 1799._--“Last night at 9 P.M. the _Minerve’s_ boats came
alongside; sent them along with our own, armed, under the command of
the first lieutenant to cut out some vessels from the Bay of Diano.
“About midnight saw a very heavy fire of cannon and musketry in Diano
Bay. Towards dawn the boats returned on board, having brought out a
large settee laden with wine, and a French armed half-galley, mounting
six guns, and rowing twenty-six oars. This galley had lately arrived
from Toulon with General Joubert, appointed to supersede Moreau in the
command of the French army of Italy, and was to have proceeded to-day
with the general to the headquarters, near Genoa. She was manned with
thirty-six people, twenty of which jumped overboard and swam ashore as
soon as our boats attacked them. The other sixteen were made prisoners,
amongst which was the commander of her, having the rank of ensign de
vaisseau in the service of the Republic. The vessel is called _La
Virginie_, is Turkish built, and was taken by the French at Malta when
they got possession of that place last year.”
Another time the chace is described as follows:
_July 14._--“This vessel proved to be the _El Fortunato_ Spanish ship
polacre of about 100 tons burden, from Cagliari bound to Oneglia, laden
with wine, and having on board an officer charged with despatches from
the King of Sardinia to General Suwarrow, Commander-in-Chief of the
combined armies of Russia and Austria in Italy.”
The autumn and winter of 1799 were spent by the _Peterel_ cruising
again in the west of the Mediterranean, chiefly off Minorca; but in
the spring of 1800 they were again near Marseilles. The capture of the
French brig _La Ligurienne_, described in the following letter, is
another witness to the fruitless attempts of the French to get help to
the army which Bonaparte had left behind in Egypt.
“_Peterel_ AT SEA, _March 22, 1800_.
“SIR,--I have to inform you that the vessels with which you
saw me engaged yesterday afternoon near Cape Couronne, were a
ship, brig, and xebecque, belonging to the French Republic;
two of which, the ship and xebecque, I drove on shore, and,
after a running action of about one hour and a half, during
the most of which we were not more than two cables length
from the shore, and frequently not half that distance, the
third struck her colours. On taking possession, we found
her to be _La Ligurienne_, French national brig, mounting
fourteen six-pounders, and two thirty-six-pound howitzers, all
brass, commanded by François Auguste Pelabon, lieutenant de
vaisseau, and had on board at the commencement of the action
one hundred and four men. Though from the spirited conduct
and alacrity of Lieutenant Packer, Mr. Thompson, the master,
and Mr. Hill, the purser (who very handsomely volunteered
his services at the main deck guns), joined to the gallantry
and determined courage of the rest of the officers, seamen
and marines of his Majesty’s sloop under my command, I was
happily enabled to bring the contest to a favourable issue;
yet I could not but feel the want, and regret the absence, of
my first lieutenant, Mr. Glover, and thirty men, who were at
the time away in prizes. I have a lively pleasure in that this
service has been performed without a man hurt on our part, and
with no other damage to the ship than four of our carronades
dismounted, and a few shots through the sails. _La Ligurienne_
is a very fine vessel of the kind, well equipped with stores
of all sorts, in excellent repair, and not two years old. She
is built on a peculiar plan, being fastened throughout with
screw bolts, so as to be taken to pieces and put together with
ease, and is said to have been intended to follow Bonaparte to
Egypt. I learn from the prisoners that the ship is called _Le
Cerf_, mounting fourteen six-pounders, xebecque _Le Joillet_,
mounting six six-pounders, and that they had sailed in company
with a convoy (two of which, as per margin, I captured in the
forenoon) that morning from Cette, bound to Marseilles. I
enclose a return of the killed and wounded, as far as I have
been able to ascertain it,
“And am, your very humble servant,
“FRANCIS WM. AUSTEN.
“To Robert Dudley Oliver, Esq.,
“Captain of H.M. Ship _Mermaid_.
“Return of killed and wounded in an action between his
Britannic Majesty’s sloop _Peterel_, Francis Wm. Austen, Esq.,
Commander, and the French national brig _La Ligurienne_,
commanded by François Auguste Pelabon, lieutenant de vaisseau.
“_Peterel_: Killed, none; wounded, none.
“_La Ligurienne_: Killed, the captain and one seaman; wounded,
one gardemarin and one seaman.
“(Signed) FRANCIS WM. AUSTEN.”
The captures, “as per margin,” are of a French bark, name unknown,
about two hundred and fifty tons, and of a French bombarde, _La
Vestic_, about one hundred and fifty tons, both laden with wheat, and
both abandoned by their crews on the _Peterel’s_ attack.
[Illustration: _PETEREL_ IN ACTION WITH _LA LIGURIENNE_ NEAR
MARSEILLES, MARCH 21, 1800]
If, as is stated, _La Ligurienne_ was intended to go to Egypt, it seems
not improbable that the reason for her peculiar construction was that
she might be taken to pieces, carried across the desert, and launched
again in the Red Sea, there to take part in an attempt on India.
This exploit, though related in a matter-of-fact way by Captain Austen
in his letter, was not inconsiderable in the eyes of the authorities,
and the result was his immediate promotion to post rank. He himself
knew nothing of this advancement until the following October; only an
instance of the slowness and difficulty of communication, which was so
great a factor in the naval affairs of that time.
It should be mentioned that the frigate _Mermaid_ was in sight during
part of this action, which perhaps had something to do with the two
French vessels running themselves ashore, also that the capture of _La
Ligurienne_ was within six miles of Marseilles. The _Peterel_ took her
three prizes to Minorca, where the prisoners were sent on board the
_Courageuse_, one of Perrée’s frigates captured in 1799 as already
described.
The next voyage was to Malta, where the fortress of Valetta was still
in French hands, with a few ships under the command of Rear-Admiral
Villeneuve. The British blockading squadron had just taken the
_Guillaume Tell_ in the endeavour to escape from Valetta harbour, after
eighteen months’ stay. This ship of the line was the only one remaining
to the French from Bonaparte’s expedition to Egypt and the Battle of
the Nile.
The _Peterel_ took on board, in the Bay of Marsa Sirocco, thirty-five
of the crew of the _Guillaume Tell_, by orders of Commodore Troubridge
of the _Culloden_, and with these prisoners made sail for Palermo,
where for a few days she hoisted Nelson’s flag. Arrived once more at
Port Mahon, in Minorca, the French sailors were added to the number
on the _Courageuse_, and the _Peterel_ found her way to Lord Keith’s
fleet, now closely investing General Massena in Genoa.
The great events of the campaign of Marengo are matters of European
history. The British fleet’s blockade of the coast was clearly a
determining factor in the choice of the St. Bernard route by the First
Consul, inasmuch as the Riviera road was commanded from the sea. It
must remain a question whether Bonaparte deliberately left Massena’s
army to risks of starvation and capture, in order that the destruction
of the Austrian forces in Piedmont might be complete. Massena had been
compelled to extend his lines too far, so that he might secure from a
mountainous country the supplies which could not reach him from France.
This made it possible for the Austrians to press their advantage, and
to isolate the fortresses of Nice, Savona, and Genoa. The unceasing
patrol of the sea completed the circle of hostile forces. The French
army was entirely shut up in Genoa, and throughout the month of May
the town was several times bombarded by the ships and the armed boats
of the fleet. These armed boats had already reduced the small garrison
of Savona. It is recorded in the _Peterel_ log that a “polacre laden
with artillery and ammunition for the army of General Baron d’Ott” came
from that port. The _Peterel_ was detailed by Lord Keith to cruise in
shore as near as possible to Genoa, and Captain Austen received the
thanks of this Admiral for his energetic performance of that duty. One
night the vessel was under fire from the lighthouse forts, and received
several shots. A feature of the blockade was the plan of “rowing guard”
each night, in order to prevent access to the harbour after dark. The
_Peterel’s_ pinnace was frequently on this duty in turn with the other
boats of the fleet, and took part in cutting out the _Prima_ galley
after midnight on the 21st of May. This galley was intended to take
part in an attempt on the smaller vessels of the British fleet, but was
attacked by the boats’ crews at the Mole when just ready to come out.
She was boarded in the most gallant manner, in spite of a large force
of fighting men on board, and of a heavy fire from the harbour forts.
The capture was greatly helped by the conduct of the 300 galley slaves,
who rowed out so fast that they almost outstripped the boats that were
towing her. These slaves were allowed on deck when the prize was out
of gunshot range from the harbour, and great were their manifestations
of joy at their release. The sequel of the incident was tragic. Lord
Keith sent most of them back to Genoa with the other French prisoners,
no doubt with the idea of forcing their support on the half-starved
garrison. The galley slaves were shot as traitors in the market-place.
During the preliminary conference with General d’Ott and Lord Keith,
preceding the French surrender at Genoa, it is said that some contempt
for Austria was expressed by Massena, who went on as follows: “Milord,
si jamais la France et l’Angleterre s’entendre, elles gouverneraient la
monde.” This almost foreshadows the “entente cordiale” of 1904.
On June 4 the French army capitulated. Genoa town was handed over to
the Austrians under General Melas, and the port was occupied by Lord
Keith in his flagship _Minotaur_.
But already the First Consul had descended into Italy, had taken
possession of Milan, and was in full march to defeat Baron d’Ott at
Montebello. On the 14th Marengo was fought, and the tide of fortune
turned. Genoa, Savona, and all the fortresses of Piedmont were made
over to the French. Massena came back on June 24, and Lord Keith had
just time to move out of the harbour and to resume his blockade. The
victorious First Consul was again in full possession of Northern Italy.
Before the end of May the _Peterel_ was already on her way southward,
and the log records the transport of thirty-two men to H.M.S.
_Guillaume Tell_ (recently captured) off Syracuse, then another call at
Malta (St. Paul’s Bay) where the blockaders were busy with the later
stages of the reduction of Valetta. The destination of the _Peterel_
was the coast of Egypt, where Sir Sydney Smith was locally in command.
Alexandria and other harbours were still held by the French, now quite
cut off from outside support. A Turkish fleet of twelve ships was at
anchor off Alexandria, and the blockade was supposed to be maintained
by them, but in actual practice the burden devolved upon the three
British vessels, _Tigre_, _Transfer_, and _Peterel_. They appear to
have joined forces at Jaffa, and to have cruised off the Egyptian
coast, with an occasional visit to Cyprus, for some months. They were
all this time without news from England.
The allied fleets of France and Spain were by no means inactive,
and, though they did not accomplish much in the Mediterranean, there
was always a serious risk for a single vessel, and despatch boats
were particularly unsafe carrying, as they did, intelligence that
might be useful to the enemy. At this time the Spanish ports in the
neighbourhood of Gibraltar were strongly held, and it was a great
object with the British Government to relieve this pressure, which
seriously threatened their communications with the whole of the
Mediterranean. Algeciras was specially dangerous, and we find constant
attacks upon the enemy there, in which Charles Austen as Lieutenant
of the _Endymion_ had a considerable part, under Sir Thomas Williams
and his successor Captain Philip Durham. His service was varied by
the capture of several privateers, among others of _La Furie_. The
_Endymion_ afterwards convoyed ten Indiamen home from St. Helena, for
which service Captain Durham received the thanks of the East India
Company. On the occasion of the capture of the _Scipio_, Lieutenant
Charles Austen specially distinguished himself. The encounter took
place in a violent gale, but, in spite of wind and weather, he put off
in a boat with only four men, and boarded the vessel, which had just
surrendered. The _Scipio_ was a fine craft of 18 guns, manned by 140
men.
Charles was particularly lucky at this time in his shares of
prize-money. Jane tells us in one of her letters to Cassandra how
generously he spent it.
“Charles has received £30 for his share of the privateer, and expects
£10 more; but of what avail is it to take prizes if he lays out the
produce in presents for his sisters? He has been buying gold chains
and topaz crosses for us. He must be well scolded. I shall write again
by this post to thank and reproach him. We shall be unbearably fine.”
It is a good instance of the way in which Jane Austen “worked up”
her incidents that the brother’s present of a cross and a gold chain
should form the groundwork on which is built up the story of Fanny’s
flutterings of heart over her adornments for the ball at Mansfield.
“The ‘how she should be dressed’ was a point of painful solicitude; and
the almost solitary ornament in her possession, a very pretty amber
cross which William had brought her from Sicily, was the greatest
distress of all, for she had nothing but a bit of riband to fasten
it to; and though she had worn it in that manner once, would it be
allowable at such a time, in the midst of all the rich ornaments which
she supposed all the other young ladies would appear in? And yet not
to wear it! William had wanted to buy her a gold chain too, but the
purchase had been beyond his means, and therefore not to wear the
cross might be mortifying to him. These were anxious considerations;
enough to sober her spirits even under the prospect of a ball given
principally for her gratification.”
[Illustration: THE TOPAZ CROSSES GIVEN TO CASSANDRA AND JANE BY CHARLES
AUSTEN]
Then follows Miss Crawford’s gift of a necklace to wear with the
cross, with all its alarming associations with Henry Crawford; then
Edmund’s gift of a chain; her resolve to wear Miss Crawford’s gift to
please him; and lastly the delightful discovery that the necklace was
too large for the purpose. Edmund’s chain, “therefore, must be worn;
and having, with delightful feelings, joined the chain and the cross,
those memorials of the two most beloved of her heart; those dearest
tokens so formed for each other by everything real and imaginary,
and put them round her neck, and seen and felt how full of William
and Edmund they were, she was able, without an effort, to resolve on
wearing Miss Crawford’s necklace too. She acknowledged it to be right.
Miss Crawford had a claim; and when it was no longer to encroach on,
to interfere with the stronger claims, the truer kindness of another,
she could do her justice even with pleasure to herself. The necklace
really looked very well; and Fanny left her room at last, comfortably
satisfied with herself and all about her.”
CHAPTER VII
AT HOME AND ABROAD
The truism that absence strengthens more ties than it weakens is
clearly demonstrated by the letters of the Austen family. In spite of
the difficulty of sending letters, and the doubt of their reaching
England, the brothers managed to get news through whenever it was
possible. To know that their efforts were appreciated one has only
to read how every scrap of this news was sent from one sister to the
other in the constant letters they interchanged on those rare occasions
when they were parted. The Austen family had always a certain reserve
in showing affection, but the feeling which appears in this longing
for tidings, in the gentle satires on small failings or transient
love-affairs of their brothers, combined with the occasional “dear
Frank” or “dear Charles,” was one which stood the test of time, and was
transmitted to the brothers’ children in a way that made the names of
“Aunt Jane” and “Aunt Cassandra” stand for all that was lovable in the
thoughts of their nephews and nieces.
The scarcity of letters must have been a severe trial. Just at this
time, when those at home knew of Frank’s promotion, and he had as yet
no idea of it, the longing to send and receive news must have been
very great. He was hard at work in the summer of 1800 with Sir Sydney
Smith’s squadron off Alexandria. From there, early in July, he wrote
to Cassandra. This letter was received at Steventon on November 1,
when Cassandra was at Godmersham with Edward, so Jane sent her word
of its arrival. “We have at last heard from Frank; a letter from him
to you came yesterday, and I mean to send it on as soon as I can get
a ditto (that means a frank), which I hope to do in a day or two. _En
attendant_, you must rest satisfied with knowing that on the 8th of
July the _Peterel_ with the rest of the Egyptian squadron was off the
Isle of Cyprus, whither they went from Jaffa for provisions, &c., and
whence they were to sail in a day or two for Alexandria, there to await
the English proposals for the evacuation of Egypt. The rest of the
letter, according to the present fashionable style of composition, is
chiefly descriptive. Of his promotion he knows nothing; of prizes he is
guiltless.”
An event which would no doubt have made a point of interest in this
letter happened the day after it was sent, but is recorded in the log
for July 9:
“Received two oxen and fifty-two gallons of wine, being the _Peterel’s_
portion of a present from the Governor of the Island.”
The same letter from Jane to her sister contains news of Charles, who
had been at home comparatively lately, and was on the _Endymion_, which
was “waiting only for orders, but may wait for them perhaps a month.”
Three weeks later he was at home again.
“Naughty Charles did not come on Tuesday, but good Charles came
yesterday morning. About two o’clock he walked in on a Gosport hack.
His feeling equal to such a fatigue is a good sign, and his feeling no
fatigue a still better. He walked down to Deane to dinner, he danced
the whole evening, and to-day is no more tired than a gentleman ought
to be. Your desiring to hear from me on Sunday will, perhaps, bring
you a more particular account of the ball than you may care for,
because one is prone to think more of such things the morning after
they happen, than when time has entirely driven them out of one’s
recollection.
“It was a pleasant evening; Charles found it remarkably so, but I
cannot tell why, unless the absence of Miss Terry, towards whom his
conscience reproaches him with being now perfectly indifferent, was a
relief to him.
“Summers has made my gown very well indeed, and I get more and more
pleased with it. Charles does not like it, but my father and Mary do.
My mother is very much resigned to it, and as for James he gives it the
preference over everything of the kind he ever saw, in proof of which I
am desired to say that if you like to sell yours Mary will buy it.
“Farewell! Charles sends _you_ his best love, and Edward his worst. If
you think the distinction improper, you may take the worst yourself. He
will write to you when he gets back to his ship, and in the meantime
desires that you will consider me as your affectionate sister J. A.
“P.S. Charles is in very good looks indeed....
“I rejoice to say that we have just had another letter from our dear
Frank. It is to you, very short, written from Larnaca in Cyprus, and so
lately as October 2nd. He came from Alexandria, and was to return there
in three or four days, knew nothing of his promotion, and does not
write above twenty lines, from a doubt of the letter’s ever reaching
you, and an idea of all letters being opened at Vienna. He wrote a
few days before to you from Alexandria by the _Mercury_, sent with
despatches to Lord Keith. Another letter must be owing to us besides
this, _one_ if not _two_; because none of these are for me.”
The scenes of home life which these extracts give us form a strong
contrast to the readings in the log of the _Peterel_ between the dates
of Frank’s two letters.
In spite of the fact that viewed as a whole this was a breathing space
between engagements, each side standing back to recover and to watch
for the next movement on the part of the other, yet, in detail, it was
a time of activity.
Now and then, in the log, occurs the chace of a germe (or djerm)
carrying supplies for the French, and a boat expedition is organised to
cut out one or two of these craft, from an inlet where they had taken
refuge.
“At twelve the boats returned without the germe, having perceived her
to be under the protection of a field piece and a body of soldiers.”
Next day one was captured “with only 17 bales of tobacco on board”
(Captain Austen was not a smoker). Then “condemned by survey the
remaining part of the best bower cable as unserviceable.” “Held a
survey on and condemned a cask of rice.” “The senior lieutenant was
surveyed by the surgeons of the squadron and found to be a fit object
for invaliding.”
The next incident is described in the following report:
“_Peterel_, OFF ALEXANDRIA, _August 14, 1800_.
“SIR,--On the morning of the 10th, the day subsequent to my
parting with the _Tigre_, I joined the Turkish squadron off
this place, consisting of one ship of the line, and three
corvettes under the command of Injee Bey, captain of the
gallies, with whom I concerted on the most proper distribution
of the force left with him. It was finally agreed that one
corvette should be stationed off Aboukir, a second off
Alexandria, and the third off the Tower of Marabout, the
line-of-battle ship and the _Peterel_ occasionally to visit
the different points of the station as we might judge fit. It
blowing too hard to admit of any germes passing, I thought
it advisable to stretch to the westward as far as the Arab’s
Tower, off which I continued till the afternoon of the 12th,
when I stood back to the eastward, and was somewhat surprised
to see none of the Turkish squadron off Alexandria. At 8
o’clock the following morning, having an offing of three or
four leagues, I stood in for the land, and in about an hour
saw three of the Turkish ships a long way to the Eastward,
and the fourth, which proved to be the line-of-battle ship,
laying totally dismasted, on the Reef, about halfway between
the Castle and Island of Aboukir. Thinking it possible, from
what little I knew of Aboukir Bay, to get the _Peterel_ within
gunshot of her, and by that means to disperse the swarm of
germes which surrounded her, and whose crews I could plainly
discern busy in plundering, I stood in round the east side of
the island, and anchored in quarter less four fathoms, a long
gunshot distance from her, and sent Mr. Thompson, the master,
in the pinnace to sound in a direction towards her, in order
to ascertain whether it was practicable to get any nearer with
the ship, and if he met with no resistance (the germes having
all made sail before we anchored) to board and set fire to
the wreck. Though it blew very strong, and the boat had to
row nearly two miles, almost directly to windward, yet by the
great exertions of the officers and boat’s crew, in an hour and
twenty minutes I had the satisfaction of seeing the wreck in
a perfect blaze, and the boat returning. Mr. Thompson brought
back with him thirteen Greek sailors, part of the crew, and one
Arab left in their hurry by the germes.
“From the Greeks I collected that the ship went on shore while
in the act of wearing about 9 o’clock on the night of the 11th,
that about half the crew had been taken on board the corvettes,
and the Bey, with the principal part of the officers and the
rest of the crew, having surrendered to the French, had landed
the next evening at Aboukir. At the time we stood in, the
French had 300 men at work on board the wreck, endeavouring to
save the guns, but had only succeeded in landing one from the
quarter-deck.
“Shortly after my anchoring I sent an officer to the corvette,
which had followed us in, and anchored near to us, to inform
their commander what I proposed doing, and to desire the
assistance of their boats in case of resistance from any
persons who might be remaining on board the wreck, a demand
which they did not think proper to comply with, alleging that,
as all the cloathes, &c., had been landed, there was nothing of
value remaining, and besides that it would be impossible to get
on board, as the French had a guard of soldiers in her.
“I cannot sufficiently praise the zeal and activity with which
Mr. Thompson and the nine men with him performed this service,
by which I trust the greatest part, if not all, of the guns,
and other useful parts of the wreck, have been prevented from
falling into the hands of the enemy. The thirteen Greeks I sent
on board one of the Turkish corvettes, and intend, as soon as I
have communication with the shore, to land the Arab.
“I have the honour to be, Sir,
“Your obedient servant,
“FRANCIS WM. AUSTEN.
“To Sir Sydney Smith, K.S.,
“Senior officer of H.M. Ships and Vessels
“employed in the Levant.”
The French were quite ready to take possession of all that the
predatory Arab germes were likely to leave on board the Turkish
line-of-battle ship. There was of course much less difficulty in
getting the _Peterel_ into Aboukir Bay than in navigating the larger
corvettes of the Turks; but, where Nelson had brought in his fleet,
before the Battle of the Nile, there was water enough for any vessel,
if properly handled.
The following letters give the conclusion of the matter:
“HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S SLOOP _Peterel_, OFF ALEXANDRIA,
“_August 16, 1800_.
“SIR,--I avail myself of the present flag to set on shore with
an unconditional release eleven Arabs, prisoners of war. Should
it be not inconsistent with the instructions you may be acting
under, the release of an equal number of the subjects of the
Sublime Porte will be considered as a fair return.
“I have the honour to be, &c.,
“Your obedient servant,
“F. W. AUSTEN.
“To General Lanusse,
“Commandant of Alexandria.”
“_Peterel_, OFF ALEXANDRIA, _August 7_.
“SIR,--The _King George_ transport is this morning arrived here
from Rhodes, and as I find, by the report of the master, that
the object of his mission in landing the powder has not been
accomplished, I shall send him off directly with orders to
follow you agreeable to given rendezvous.... I enclose herewith
a letter received five days ago by a Turkish transport from
Jaffa; one from myself containing the particulars of the loss
of the Turkish line-of-battle ship, a copy of my letter to
General Lanusse, which accompanied the Arabs on shore yesterday
(the first day since my leaving the _Tigre_, that the weather
has been sufficiently moderate to admit of communicating
with the shore), and lastly a letter from the Vizir, which I
received yesterday from Jaffa by a Turkish felucca. As the
weather becomes more settled I hope to annoy the germes,
though I must not count on any support or assistance from the
Turks, as Injee Bey, when I first joined him, declared he had
received directions from the Capitan Pacha not to molest them.
Two of the corvettes are gone to join the Capitan Pacha, but
this I learnt only two days after they went. The officer who
accompanied the flag yesterday could not obtain any certain
intelligence of Captain Boyle and his people, for in answer to
his inquiries he was told they were still at or near Cairo.
“I have the honour to be, &c.
“To Sir Wm. Sydney Smith, K.S.,
“Senior officer of H.M. Ships and Vessels
“employed in the Levant.”
This Capitan Pacha was a man of some note. His career is an
example of the inefficacy of the greatest talents under such a
government as that of Turkey. He was in every way an able man--strong
and determined--considering all circumstances not to be called
cruel--enlightened in his ideas. His chief lack was that of education,
but he was anxious to learn from all. He had great respect for
Europeans and sympathy with their outlook. Altogether, though he did
a great work for the Turkish navy--improving the construction of the
ships--taking care that the officers should be properly educated, and
drawing the supply of men from the best possible sources, and all this
in a country where reform seemed a hopeless task, yet, so great was the
power of his personality, that one is more surprised that he did so
little than that he did so much.
The Captain Courtenay Boyle spoken of in this letter was evidently an
acquaintance of the family, as we find him mentioned in one of Jane’s
letters. His ship, the _Cormorant_, had been wrecked on the Egyptian
coast, and the whole crew made prisoners by the French. He must have
obtained his release very shortly afterwards, for the following letter
from Jane to Cassandra was clearly written when the family at Steventon
were looking forward to Frank’s return, but before they had direct news
from himself:
“I should not have thought it necessary to write to you so soon, but
for the arrival of a letter from Charles to myself. It was written last
Saturday from off the Start, and conveyed to Popham Lane by Captain
Boyle, on his way to Midgham. He came from Lisbon in the _Endymion_.
I will copy Charles’s account of his conjectures about Frank: ‘He has
not seen my brother lately, nor does he expect to find him arrived,
as he met Captain Inglis at Rhodes, going up to take command of the
_Peterel_ as he was coming down; but supposes he will arrive in less
than a fortnight from this time, in some ship which is expected
to reach England about that time with despatches from Sir Ralph
Abercrombie.’ The event must show what sort of a conjurer Captain Boyle
is. The _Endymion_ has not been plagued with any more prizes. Charles
spent three pleasant days in Lisbon. When this letter was written,
the _Endymion_ was becalmed, but Charles hoped to reach Portsmouth by
Monday or Tuesday. He received my letter, communicating our plans,
before he left England; was much surprised, of course, but is quite
reconciled to them, and means to come to Steventon once more while
Steventon is ours.”
Captain Charles Inglis, who was to succeed Francis Austen, had served
as lieutenant in the _Penelope_, and specially distinguished himself in
the capture of the _Guillaume Tell_.
While these conjectures as to Frank’s whereabouts and the possible
date of his return were passing between his relations at home, he
had been still pursuing the ordinary round of duties such as are
described in this letter, quite ignorant until the actual event of any
approaching change either for them or for himself.
“SIR,--I have to inform you that I anchored with his Majesty’s
sloop under my command at Larnaca on the evening of the 1st
instant, where I completed my water, and purchased as much wine
as the ship would stow, but was not able to procure any bread,
as from the great exports of corn which have been lately made
to supply the Vizir’s army in Syria, the inhabitants are almost
in a state of famine. I sailed from Larnaca the evening of the
6th, and anchored here on the 9th at noon. As I had only five
days’ bread on board I have judged it proper to take on board
50 quintals of that which had been prepared for the _Tigre_,
and not being acquainted with the price agreed on, have
directed the purser to leave a certificate with the Dragoman of
the Porte, for the quantity received, that it may be included
with the _Tigre’s_ vouchers, and settled for with the purser of
that ship.
“The Governor of Nicosia made application to me yesterday in
the name of the Capitan Pacha for assistance to enable him to
get a gun on shore from one of the gun-boats which has been
wrecked here, which, tho’ I knew would detain me a day, I
thought it right to comply with; the gun has been to-day got
on shore, and I am now going to weigh. I propose stretching
more towards Alexandria if the wind is not very unfavourable,
and should I find no counter orders, shall afterwards put in
execution the latter part of yours of the 23rd ult.
“I have directed the captain of the _Kirling Gech_, which I
found here on my arrival without orders, to wait till the
16th for the arrival of the _Tigre_, when, if not otherwise
directed, to proceed to Rhodes, and follow such orders or
information as he may obtain there.
“I have the honor to be, &c.,
“To Sir Sydney Smith.”
“The latter part of yours of the 23rd” possibly refers to instructions
to proceed to Rhodes, for we find in the log that the _Peterel_ went on
there early in October, and there at last Captain Austen was greeted
with the news of his promotion to Post Rank. The _Peterel_ anchored in
the Road of Rhodes at ten o’clock on the morning of October 20, where
the _Tigre_ was 21 days at anchor, and at this point the private log of
the _Peterel_ stops short.
Although we have no account from Francis Austen himself of his meeting
with Captain Inglis, he evidently wrote a lively description of the
incident to his sisters. Jane writes from Steventon on January 21st to
Cassandra: “Well, and so Frank’s letter has made you very happy, but
you are afraid he would not have patience to stay for the _Haarlem_,
which you wish him to have done, as being safer than the merchantman.”
Frank’s great desire was clearly to get home as soon as possible after
an absence of nearly three years. It is curious to think of the risks
supposed to be incurred by passengers on board a merchantman.
The following comment on the colour of the ink is amply borne out in
the log: “Poor fellow! to wait from the middle of November to the end
of December, and perhaps even longer, it must be sad work; especially
in a place where the ink is so abominably pale. What a surprise to him
it must have been on October 20th to be visited, collared, and thrust
out of the _Peterel_ by Captain Inglis. He kindly passes over the
poignancy of his feelings in quitting his ship, his officers, and his
men.
[Illustration: THE WAY TO CHURCH FROM PORTSDOWN LODGE
(_When the forts were constructed, this avenue was cut down._)]
“What a pity it is that he should not be in England at the time of
this promotion, because he certainly would have had an appointment, so
everybody says, and therefore it must be right for me to say it too.
Had he been really here, the certainty of the appointment, I dare say,
would not have been half so great; as it could not be brought to the
proof, his absence will be always a lucky source of regret.”
The “promotion” spoken of in this letter was extensive, and took place
on January 1, 1801, on the occasion of the union of Great Britain
and Ireland. At the same time there was an increase in the number of
line-of-battle ships which is commented on with reference to Charles.
“Eliza talks of having read in a newspaper that all the 1st lieutenants
of the frigates whose captains were to be sent into line-of-battle
ships were to be promoted to the rank of commanders. If it be true, Mr.
Valentine may afford himself a fine Valentine’s knot, and Charles may
perhaps become 1st of the _Endymion_, though I suppose Captain Durham
is too likely to bring a villain with him under that denomination.”
The letters give no account of the home-coming, but from the story of
William Price’s return in “Mansfield Park,” we can see that Jane knew
something of the mingled feelings of such a meeting.
“This dear William would soon be amongst them.... Scarcely ten days had
passed since Fanny had been in the agitation of her first dinner visit,
when she found herself in an agitation of a higher nature ... watching
in the hall, in the lobby, on the stairs, for the first sound of the
carriage which was to bring her a brother.
“It was long before Fanny could recover from the agitating happiness of
such an hour as was formed by the last thirty minutes of expectation
and the first of fruition.
“It was some time even before her happiness could be said to make
her happy, before the disappointment inseparable from the alteration
of person had vanished, and she could see in him the same William as
before, and talk to him as her heart had been yearning to do through
many a past year.”
CHAPTER VIII
BLOCKADING BOULOGNE
Francis Austen’s first appointment on his promotion to post rank was
to the _Neptune_, as Flag-Captain to Admiral James Gambier. It was
not usual for an Admiral to choose as his Flag-Captain one who had so
lately gained the step in rank. It is clear from the letters of Francis
Austen at this time that he, in common with many officers in the Navy,
was bent on improvements in the food and general comforts of the crews.
Francis Austen’s capacity for detail would here stand him in good
stead. There is one letter of his concerning the best way of preserving
cheeses, which is a good example of his interest in the small things
of his profession. He had, on the advice of Admiral Gambier, made the
experiment of coating some cheeses with whitewash in order to keep them
in good condition in hot weather, and had found it very successful.
He thereupon wrote to the Admiralty Commissioners recommending that
all cheeses should be so treated before being shipped, in order that
the men might have “more wholesome and nutritive food,” and also
“that a material ultimate saving to the public may be effected at an
inconsiderable first cost.”
We have not far to look for a parallel to this love of detail in the
works of Jane Austen. Admirers and detractors are agreed in saying that
she thought nothing too unimportant to be of interest, and in allowing
the justice of her own description of her work--“the little bit (two
inches wide) of ivory on which I work with so fine a brush, as produces
little effect after much labour.” There is no doubt that naval officers
must often have felt in their dealings with the Admiralty that they
produced “little effect after much labour.”
A curious point of etiquette in connection with these letters is that
the Commissioners invariably signed themselves “Your affectionate
friends,” followed by the names of those concerned in the business.
At the peace of Amiens, Francis Austen, among many other officers,
went on half-pay; but when war broke out again in 1803, we find him at
Ramsgate, employed in raising a body of “Sea Fencibles.” This service
was instituted chiefly on the advice of Captain Popham, who had tried
something of the same kind in Flanders in 1793.
The object, of course, was to protect the coast from invasion. The
corps was composed of fishermen, commanded in each district by an
officer in the Navy, whose duty it was to quarter the men on the beach,
exercise them, and to have the beaches watched whenever the weather was
favourable for the enemy to land. The men were exercised once a week,
and were paid at the rate of a shilling a day, with a food allowance
when on service.
Captain Austen’s report on the coast of the district lying between
the North Foreland and Sandown is a document of considerable detail,
dealing with the possible landing-places for a hostile army. He comes
to the conclusion that in moderate weather a landing might be effected
on many parts of this coast, particularly in Pegwell Bay, where “the
enemy would have no heights to gain,” and, further, “that any time of
tide would be equally favourable for the debarkation of troops on this
shore.” But “in blowing weather, open flat boats filled with troops
would doubtless many of them be lost in the surf, while larger vessels
could not, from the flatness of the coast, approach sufficiently near.”
Of course, all is subject to “the enemy’s evading our cruisers, and
getting past the ships in the Downs.”
This time at Ramsgate was of importance to Francis, for it was here
that he met, and became engaged to, Mary Gibson, who was his wife for
seventeen years. This engagement, though “Mrs. F. A.” became one of
the best loved of the sisters-in-law, must at the outset have been a
slight shock to Jane and Cassandra, who for long had been cherishing a
hope that Frank would marry their beloved friend Martha Lloyd. A few
extracts taken from the letters will show their affection and their
hopes.
“I love Martha better than ever, and I mean to go and see her, if I
can, when she gets home.... I shall be very glad to see you at home
again, and then--if we can get Martha--who will be so happy as we? ...
I am quite pleased with Martha and Mrs. Lefroy for wanting the pattern
of our caps, but I am not so well pleased with your giving it to them.
Some wish, some prevailing wish, is necessary to the animation of
everybody’s mind, and in gratifying this you leave them to form some
other which will probably not be half so innocent. I shall not forget
to write to Frank.”
The connection of ideas seems very clear. Perhaps it may have been some
memory of these old times, and the wishes of his sister who had passed
away, that induced Francis to make Martha his second wife in 1828.
That their religious life was the mainspring of all their actions is
sufficiently clear throughout the whole lives of the two brothers.
During this time at Ramsgate, Francis was noticed as “_the_ officer who
knelt in church,” and up to the day of his death there is one entry
never absent from the diary of Charles Austen--“Read the Lessons of the
Day.”
In May 1804 Captain Francis Austen was appointed to the _Leopard_, the
flagship of Rear-Admiral Louis, who held a command in the squadron
blockading Napoleon’s Boulogne flotilla. This flotilla, begun in
1802, had by 1804 assumed very large proportions. With the object of
stirring up the descendants of the Norman conquerors to a new invasion
of England, Napoleon, always dramatic in his effects, made a progress
through the maritime provinces attended by the Bayeux Tapestry, the
display of which was expected to arouse much martial ardour. It was
assumed that his great army of veteran soldiers, encamped above the
cliffs of Boulogne, was only waiting for favourable weather to embark
on board the two thousand flat-bottomed boats. His review of this fleet
in August 1804 was, however, so seriously disturbed by one or two of
the British men-of-war that the new Emperor was obliged to recognise
the impossibility of crossing the Channel unless he had the command of
(at least) the narrow seas.
All the naval history that follows, up to the day of Trafalgar, was the
outcome of his attempt to obtain this superiority for his “Grand Army
of England.” The failure of Villeneuve, on his return from the West
Indies, to reach the appointed rendezvous with Ganteaume off Brest,
broke up Napoleon’s combination; the army marched to Austerlitz and
Vienna, the flotilla was left to decay, and the site of the two years’
camp is commemorated only by the Column of Napoleon himself.
The work of watching Boulogne and the neighbouring ports was, in common
with all other blockades, as a contemporary writer says, “a trial
to the temper, spirits and health of officers and men.” There was a
strong feeling in England against this system, which seems to have been
popular with naval authorities. This opinion is voiced in the following
cutting from the _Naval Chronicle_ of that date:
“Were it indeed possible to keep so strict a watch on the
hostile shores that every effort of the enemy to escape
from the ports would be unavailing, that the fortuitous
circumstances of calms, fogs, gales, the obscurity of the
night, &c., would not in any degree advance his purposes,
then would the eventual mischief inseparable from a blockade,
by which our marine is threatened, find a compensation in
our immediate security. But until this can be effected with
a certainty of success, the national interests ought not to
be compromised, and our future offensive and defensive means
unnecessarily abridged.” This extract is perhaps of greater
interest as an example of the journalese of the date, than for
any unusual depth in the ideas which it expresses, which merely
amount to the fact that it was considered that the “game was
not worth the candle.”
Against this we may set another view of the blockades as expressed by
Dr. Fitchett:
“It was one of the compensations of these great blockades that
they raised the standard of seamanship and endurance throughout
the British fleets to the highest possible level. The lonely
watches, the sustained vigilance, the remoteness from all
companionship, the long wrestle with the forces of the sea, the
constant watching for battle, which for English seamen marked
those blockades, profoundly affected the character of English
seamanship. When, indeed, has the world seen such seamen as
those of the years preceding Trafalgar? Hardy, resolute,
careless alike of tempest or of battle; of frames as enduring
as the oaken decks they trod, and courage as iron as the guns
they worked; and as familiar with sea-life and all its chances
as though they had been web-footed.
“If the great blockades hardened the seamanship of the British
fleets, fighting for long months with the tempests of the
open sea, they fatally enervated the seamanship of the French
navy. The seaman’s art under the tri-colour decayed in the
long inaction of blockaded ports. The seaman’s spirit drooped.
The French navy suffered curious and fatal loss, not only of
nautical skill but of fighting impulse.”
Nelson’s comment is opportune: “These gentlemen are not accustomed to a
Gulf of Lyons gale, which we have buffeted for twenty-one months, and
not carried away a spar.”
Captain Austen’s idea of the best way to minimise the evils of a
blockade was to give the men as much work to do as possible in the
care of the ship. At one time this took the form of having the boats
re-painted. Over this question we have the following characteristic
letter:
“_Leopard_, DUNGENESS, _June 23, 1804_.
“SIR,--I have received your letter of 21st instant, relative
to the paint and oil I have demanded for the preservation of
the boats of his Majesty’s ship under my command, and in reply
to it beg leave to inform you that I did not make that demand
without having previously stated to the Navy Board by letter
the situation of the boats of the _Leopard_, and the necessity
of an extra proportion of paint being supplied for them;
and as by their answer they appeared to have approved of my
application, inasmuch as they told me orders had been sent to
Deal to issue it, I concluded nothing more remained for me than
to demand the necessary quantity. Presuming, however, from the
tenor of your letter, that you have received no direction on
the subject, I shall write to renew my application.
“With respect to ‘no colour than white being allowed for
boats,’ I would only ask you, as knowing something of the
King’s naval service, how long one of our six-oared cutters
would look decent painted all white, and whether a darker
colour would not be both more durable and creditable? If,
however, such be the regulation of the Board (from which I know
there is no appeal), I have only to request, when you receive
any order to supply the paint, that you will give an additional
quantity of white in lieu of black.
“The paint to which you allude in your letter as having been
supplied on the 9th and 12th June, was sea store, and ought to
have been furnished to the ship months ago. Nor is it more than
sufficient to make her decent and fit for an Admiral to hoist
his flag in.
“I am, Sir, your humble servant,
“FRANCIS WM. AUSTEN.
“Geo. Lawrence, Esq., &c., &c.”
Shingle ballast was one of the grievances of naval officers at that
time. It was, naturally, much cheaper than iron ballast, but it had
a particularly awkward habit of shifting, and the larger stones
occasionally drilled holes in the ship. It was also very bulky and
difficult to stow.
Francis Austen was neither slow to enter a protest, nor easily put off
his point. He writes:
“Though the ship is deep enough in the water, she can only acquire the
proper stability by having the weight placed lower. By a letter which
I have this day received from the Navy Board in answer to my request,
I am informed that the _Leopard_ cannot be supplied with more than
the established proportion of iron ballast, but if I wish for more
directions shall be given for supplying shingle. I have, therefore, to
request you will be pleased to move their Lordships to give directions
for the _Leopard’s_ being supplied with the additional _iron ballast_
as requested in my letter to the Navy Board.”
About this time Francis Austen began to keep a private note-book, which
is still in existence, in which he recorded (not always seriously)
points of interest in the places he visited. He seems to have kept this
note-book while he was in the _Leopard_, then laid it aside for three
years, and begun it again when he was Captain of the _St. Albans_. His
notes on the “Anchorage Off Boulogne” contain some interesting details.
“Directions for Sailing into the Roads.--There is no danger whatever
in approaching the anchorage usually occupied by the English squadron
employed at the blockade of Boulogne, as the water is deep and the
soundings are regular. There is a bank called the ‘Basse du Basse,’
which lies about a mile off Ambleteuse, extending in a direction nearly
parallel to the shore, but rather diverging outwards to the westward
of Boulogne Pier; on it there are in some places as little as three
fathoms at low water, and within it considerably deeper water.” He goes
on with some special advice for the various types of vessel.
“The situation usually occupied by the British squadron off Boulogne
is, with the town bearing from S.S.E. to E.S.E., distant about four
miles, in from 16 to 20 fathoms water; coarse sandy bottom, with large
shells and stones, which would probably injure the cables materially,
but that from the depth of water and strength of the tides, little of
them can ever drag on the bottom.
“From Cape Grisnez to Portel the coast is little else than one
continual battery, and I conceive it to be absolutely impregnable
to any attack from the sea. Of its defences towards the land I
know nothing. I had no means of knowing anything relative to the
landing-places.
“Trade.--On this point I had no means of acquiring any certain
information, but believe, previous to the war with England, it was a
place of great resort for our smuggling vessels from the Kentish coast.
As it is a tide harbour, and completely dry at low water, no vessels
of very large draught of water can go in, nor anything larger than a
boat until nearly half flood.”
A hundred years have wrought great changes. The Folkestone and Boulogne
steamers have some larger dimensions than the _Leopard_ herself, and
they go in and out at all states of the tide.
One heading is always devoted to “Inhabitants,” and under this Francis
Austen remarks: “The inhabitants are French, subjects to Napoleon
the First, lately exalted to the Imperial dignity by the unanimous
suffrages of himself and his creatures.” The sarcastic tone of the
reference to Napoleon was characteristic of the general tenor of
publications in England at the time. “The Tom Thumb egotism and
impudent bulletins of the Corsican usurper continue almost without a
parallel in history,” says the _Naval Chronicle_. The language in which
this protest is couched is hardly that we should use now in speaking of
Napoleon.
Charles, when the war broke out again, was reappointed to the
_Endymion_, and served on her with some distinction until October 1804,
when he was given the command of the _Indian_ sloop.
Among other prizes taken under Captain Paget, who finally recommended
Lieutenant Charles Austen for command, the _Endymion_ had captured the
French corvette _Bacchante_ on the return voyage from St. Domingo to
Brest; she had left France about three months before, meeting with the
_Endymion_ on June 25, 1803. This prize was a remarkably fine corvette,
and was added to the British Navy.
Somewhere about this time Charles had come across Lord Leven and his
family, and was evidently useful to them in some way, besides being
doubtless extremely agreeable. When Lord and Lady Leven were in Bath,
they made some effort to become acquainted with the family of Mr.
Austen, and Jane writes to Cassandra describing a visit paid one
morning by her mother and herself:
“When I tell you I have been visiting a countess this morning,
you will immediately (with great justice, but no truth) guess
it to be Lady Roden. No; it is Lady Leven, the mother of Lord
Balgonie. On receiving a message from Lord and Lady Leven
through the Mackys, declaring their intention of waiting on us,
we thought it right to go to them. I hope we have not done too
much, but friends and admirers of Charles must be attended to.
They seem very reasonable, good sort of people, very civil,
and full of his praise. We were shown at first into an empty
drawing-room, and presently in came his lordship (not knowing
who we were) to apologise for the servant’s mistake, and to
say himself--what was untrue--that Lady Leven was not within.
He is a tall, gentleman-like looking man, with spectacles, and
rather deaf. After sitting with him ten minutes we walked away,
but Lady Leven coming out of the dining-parlour as we passed
the door, we were obliged to attend her back to it, and pay our
visit over again. She is a stout woman, with a very handsome
face. By this means we had the pleasure of hearing Charles’s
praises twice over. They think themselves excessively obliged
to him, and estimate him so highly as to wish Lord Balgonie,
when he is quite recovered, to go out to him.
“There is a pretty little Lady Marianne of the party to be
shaken hands with, and asked if she remembered Mr. Austen.... I
shall write to Charles by the next packet, unless you tell me
in the meantime of your intending to do it.
“Believe me, if you chuse,
“Your affectionate sister.”
In January 1805, just before Francis Austen was moved from the
_Leopard_ to the _Canopus_, and a few months after Charles had taken
command of the _Indian_, a family sorrow came upon them. Jane wrote
twice to tell the news to Frank, as the first letter was directed to
Dungeness, in the belief that the _Leopard_ was there, instead of at
Portsmouth.
[Illustration: MRS. AUSTEN]
“GREEN PARK BUILDINGS,
“Monday, _January 21, 1805_.
“MY DEAREST FRANK,--I have melancholy news to relate, and
sincerely feel for your feelings under the shock of it. I wish
I could better prepare you for it, but, having said so much,
your mind will already foretell the sort of event which I
have to communicate. Our dear father has closed his virtuous
and happy life in a death almost as free from suffering as
his children could have wished. He was taken ill on Saturday
morning, exactly in the same way as heretofore--an oppression
in the head, with fever, violent tremulousness, and the
greatest degree of feebleness. The same remedy of cupping,
which had before been so successful, was immediately applied
to, but without such happy effects. The attack was more
violent, and at first he seemed scarcely at all relieved by
the operation. Towards the evening, however, he got better,
had a tolerable night, and yesterday morning was so greatly
amended as to get up, join us at breakfast as usual, and walk
about without the help of a stick; and every symptom was then
so favourable that, when Bowen saw him at one, he felt sure of
his doing perfectly well. But as the day advanced all these
comfortable appearances gradually changed, the fever grew
stronger than ever, and when Bowen saw him at ten at night he
pronounced his situation to be most alarming. At nine this
morning he came again, and by his desire a physician was called
in, Dr. Gibbs. But it was then absolutely a lost case. Dr.
Gibbs said that nothing but a miracle could save him, and about
twenty minutes after ten he drew his last gasp. Heavy as is the
blow, we can already feel that a thousand comforts remain to us
to soften it. Next to that of the consciousness of his worth
and constant preparation for another world, is the remembrance
of his having suffered, comparatively speaking, nothing. Being
quite insensible of his own state, he was spared all pain of
separation, and he went off almost in his sleep. My mother
bears the shock as well as possible; she was quite prepared
for it, and feels all the blessing of his being spared a long
illness. My uncle and aunt have been with us, and show us every
imaginable kindness. And to-morrow we shall, I dare say, have
the comfort of James’ presence, as an express has been sent
for him. We write also, of course, to Godmersham and Brompton.
Adieu, my dearest Frank. The loss of such a parent must be
felt, or we should be brutes. I wish I could give you a better
preparation, but it has been impossible.
“Yours ever affectionately,
“J. A.”
As this letter was wrongly addressed, it was necessary for Jane to
write a second one to send direct to Portsmouth.
“GREEN PARK BUILDINGS,
“Tuesday Evening, _January 22, 1805_.
“MY DEAREST FRANK,--I wrote to you yesterday, but your letter
to Cassandra this morning, by which we learn the probability of
your being by this time at Portsmouth, obliges me to write to
you again, having, unfortunately, a communication as necessary
as painful to make to you. Your affectionate heart will be
greatly wounded, and I wish the shock could have been lessened
by a better preparation; but the event has been sudden, and
so must be the information of it. We have lost an excellent
father. An illness of only eight and forty hours carried him
off yesterday morning between ten and eleven. He was seized
on Saturday with a return of the feverish complaint which he
had been subject to for the last three years--evidently a more
violent attack from the first, as the applications which had
before produced almost immediate relief seemed for some time
to afford him scarcely any. On Sunday, however, he was much
better--so much so as to make Bowen quite easy, and give us
every hope of his being well again in a few days. But these
hopes gradually gave way as the day advanced, and when Bowen
saw him at ten that night he was greatly alarmed. A physician
was called in yesterday morning, but he was at that time past
all possibility of cure; and Dr. Gibbs and Mr. Bowen had
scarcely left his room before he sunk into a sleep from which
he never awoke. Everything, I trust and believe, was done
for him that was possible. It has been very sudden. Within
twenty-four hours of his death he was walking about with only
the help of a stick--was even reading. We had, however, some
hours of preparation, and when we understood his recovery to
be hopeless, most fervently did we pray for the speedy release
which ensued. To have seen him languishing long, struggling
for hours, would have been dreadful--and, thank God, we were
all spared from it. Except the restlessness and confusion of
high fever, he did not suffer, and he was mercifully spared
from knowing that he was about to quit objects so beloved and
so fondly cherished as his wife and children ever were. His
tenderness as a father, who can do justice to? My mother is
tolerably well; she bears up with the greatest fortitude, but I
fear her health must suffer under such a shock. An express was
sent for James, and he arrived here this morning before eight
o’clock. The funeral is to be on Saturday at Walcot Church. The
serenity of the corpse is most delightful. It preserves the
sweet, benevolent smile which always distinguished him. They
kindly press my mother to remove to Steventon as soon as it is
all over, but I do not believe she will leave Bath at present.
We must have this house for three months longer, and here we
shall probably stay till the end of that time. We all unite in
love, and I am
“Affectionately yours,
“J. A.”
This was followed in a few days by another.
“GREEN PARK BUILDINGS,
“Tuesday, _January 29, 1805_.
“MY DEAREST FRANK,--My mother has found among our dear father’s
little personal property a small astronomical instrument, which
she hopes you will accept for his sake. It is, I believe, a
compass and sun-dial, and is in a black shagreen case. Would
you have it sent to you now--and with what direction? There is
also a pair of scissors for you. We hope these are articles
that may be useful to you, but we are sure they will be
valuable. I have not time for more.
“Yours very affectionately,
“J. A.”
CHAPTER IX
THE PURSUIT OF VILLENEUVE
For a little over a year Francis Austen was Flag-Captain in the
_Canopus_. This ship, which had been captured from the French at the
Battle of the Nile, had originally been called _Le Franklin_, and was
one of the best built vessels in the Navy of that day, carrying eighty
guns.
On March 29, 1805, Rear-Admiral Louis hoisted his flag in the
_Canopus_, and soon afterwards became second in command to Nelson.
Perhaps few, even among British captains of that day, were engaged in
search of French fleets across the Atlantic twice within a twelvemonth,
but the story in the log-book of the _Canopus_ for that year tells of
the chase of Villeneuve before Trafalgar, of the second cruise and of
the battle of St. Domingo, followed by the return voyage to England
with three French line-of-battle ships as prizes.
The subtle strategy of the Emperor Napoleon, with the counter-strokes
of Nelson and the British Admiralty, have been often described; but
the history of those months, told day by day in the log-book of the
_Canopus_, has a freshness of detail which gives reality to such stock
phrases as “contrary winds” or “strange sails,” and makes one recognise
that it was the men at sea who really did the work.
The escape of Villeneuve’s fleet from Toulon begins the series of
events in 1805 which led up to the Battle of Trafalgar. Napoleon’s
original plan has since become well known.
Villeneuve was to be joined in the West Indies by the combined fleets
under Ganteaume from Brest, and Missiessy from Rochefort. The force
thus gathered was to cross the Atlantic, gain possession of the narrow
seas by overpowering the Channel fleet, and then the long-threatened
invasion of England was to be attempted by the Grand Army, embarked in
the Boulogne flotilla.
The plan was so far forward that the fleet from Toulon was already at
sea, and the Rochefort squadron had reached the West Indies. It only
remained to get the Brest fleet out of harbour. This was, however,
exactly where the plan failed. The blockading force was not to be moved
and could not be eluded. False news of troubles in India and false
declarations of intentions were all unavailing; and even the bluff in
the French papers that, so far from waiting till the British would
let them go, the French fleet could and would sail whenever it was
convenient, did not effect the withdrawal of a single British ship
from Ushant. At the same time the fact that the Toulon fleet was at
large was enough to cause anxiety to Nelson, especially as it was quite
impossible to tell what might be Villeneuve’s orders. Nelson supposed
him to be making for Egypt, and took up a position accordingly midway
between Sardinia and Africa.
The fleet with Nelson at this time is recorded in the log of the
_Canopus_ as follows:
100 _Victory_ Rt. Honble. Lord Viscount Nelson, K.B.,
Vice-Admiral of the White, &c. &c.
Rear-Admiral George Murray, Capt. of the Fleet.
Captain Thomas Hardy.
100 _Royal Sovereign_ Sir Richard Bickerton, Baronet, Rear-Admiral
of the Red.
Captain John Stuart.
80 _Canopus_ Thomas Louis, Esq., Rear-Admiral of the Blue.
Captain F. W. Austen.
74 _Superb_ ” Richard G. Keats.
74 _Spencer_ ” Honble. Robert Stopford.
74 _Swiftsure_ ” Mark Robinson.
74 _Belleisle_ ” William Hargood.
74 _Conqueror_ ” Israel Pellew.
74 _Tigre_ ” Benjamin Hallowell.
74 _Leviathan_ ” H. W. Baynton.
74 _Donegal_ ” Pulteney Malcolm.
ORDER OF BATTLE AND OF SAILING
REPEATING FRIGATES
{NO. SHIPS’ NAMES. CAPTAINS.
{ 1. _Canopus_ { Rear-Admiral Thomas }
{ Louis }
{ { Captain Francis Wm. }
{ Austen }
{ 2. }
VAN { 3. }
SQUADRON { 4. _Superb_ Richard Goodwin Keats }
{ 5. }
{ { The Commander-in-Chief}
{ 6. _Victory_ { Rear-Admiral George }
{ Murray }
{ { Captain Thomas Hardy }
{ 7. _Donegal_ Pulteney Malcolm }
{ 8. }
{ 9. _Spencer_ Hon. R. Stopford }
{10. }
} STARBOARD
{ 1. } DIVISION
{ 2. }
{ 3. _Tigre_ Benjamin Hallowell }
{ 4. }
CENTRE { 5. _Royal Sovereign_ { Rear-Admiral Sir }
SQUADRON { { Richard Bickerton }
{
{ { Captain John Stuart }
{ 6. }
{ 7. _Leviathan_ Henry Wm. Baynton }
{ 8. }
{ 9. }
{10. }
}
{ 1. }
{ 2. } LARBOARD
{ 3. } DIVISION
{ 4. }
{ 5. }
REAR { 6. }
SQUADRON { 7. _Excellent_ Frank Sotheron }
{ 8. _Belleisle_ William Hargood }
{ 9. _Conqueror_ Israel Pellew }
{10. _Swiftsure_ Mark Robinson }
To FRANCIS AUSTEN, ESQ. Dated on board the
Captain of His Majesty’s Ship _Canopus_ _Victory_, in PALMA BAY,
_March 26, 1805_
(_Signed_) NELSON AND BRONTE
The _Royal Sovereign_ was found unfit to make the voyage across the
Atlantic, and went home from Lagos in May for thorough repairs, which
were so effective that she carried Collingwood’s flag into action,
before any other of the fleet, at Trafalgar.
The narrative begins at the Bay of Palma in Sardinia, amid general
preparations throughout the fleet.
On the 4th of April the Admiral signalled “to prepare for action,
as the enemy’s fleet from Toulon is at sea.” After this the fleet
cruised for some days between Sardinia and Sicily, waiting for news of
the enemy’s movements. If, as was thought possible, they were bound
for Egypt, the position taken up by Nelson was a strong one. There
were daily consultations of the admirals and captains on board the
_Victory_. After about a fortnight of this uncertainty, “intelligence
is gained” that the sixteen French ships of the line were spoken on
the 7th of April, off Cartagena, going west. On the 18th this news was
confirmed, with the addition that they had passed Gibraltar on the
9th, and were joined by five Spanish two-deckers, and had continued
westward with fair winds. Now ensued an anxious time. The enemy were
well started ten days in advance, with the wind behind them, while
the British fleet were still battling with adverse winds in the
Mediterranean. Every breeze is carefully noted in the log, and the slow
progress evidently gave the greatest concern.
On the 22nd and 23rd of April, the distance made was only fifteen miles
in all: “Extremely variable baffling winds and squally weather, tacking
or wearing every two or three hours, the squadron very much dispersed.”
Ordinarily the _Victory_ was within half a mile, “but now four or six
miles away.” Majorca was in sight at one time, and the African coast
at another, but the progress towards Gibraltar must have been scarcely
perceptible. The Rock was seen for the first time on the 2nd May,
still twelve leagues away, and on the 4th they anchored in Tetuan Bay.
Here was hard work to be done in getting fresh water and provisions on
board. At Gibraltar on the 6th the _Canopus_ did not even anchor, as
the wind was at last fair, and their stay was only for four hours.
On May 9th, the _Victory_ signalled “to prepare demands to complete
provisions for five months,” which was accomplished off Lagos in
Portugal by the morning of the 11th. Then the Admiral made telegraph
signal, “Rendezvous Barbadoes,” and the whole fleet made sail for the
West Indies.
With fair winds and a straight course, the distance of 3200 miles was
accomplished by the 4th of June.
The sailing order of the squadron was:
FRIGATES ON
WEATHER LINE. LEE LINE. VICTORY’S WEATHER BEAM.
100 _Victory._ 80 _Canopus._
74 _Superb._ 74 _Leviathan._
74 _Donegal._ 74 _Belleisle._ 32 _Amphion._
74 _Spencer._ 74 _Conqueror._ 38 _Amazon._
74 _Tigre._ 74 _Swiftsure._ 26 _Decade._
There is very little in the log to indicate the intense expectation
that must have been present as they made their entries of the
diminishing distance.
“_May 15._--Island of Barbadoes S. 64.46 W., dist. 877 leagues.
“_May 22._--S. 70.15 W., dist. 589 leagues.”
The careful comparison of observations with the vessels of the weather
line, repairs to spars and sails, and general preparation for what
might happen on arrival, seem to fill up the days, while the north-east
trade winds gave them fine and clear weather.
“Oh, the wonder of the great trade wind! All day we sailed and all
night, and all the next day, and the next, day after day, the wind
always astern and blowing steadily and strong. The schooner sailed
herself. There was no pulling and hauling on sheets and tackles, no
shifting of topsails, no work at all for the sailors to do except to
steer. At night, when the sun went down, the sheets were slackened; in
the morning when they yielded up the damp of the dew and relaxed, they
were pulled tight again--and that was all. Ten knots, twelve knots,
eleven knots, varying from time to time, is the speed we are making.
And ever out of the north-east the brave wind blows, driving us on our
course two hundred and fifty miles between the dawns.”
These words, taken from one of our popular modern novels,[1] give us
some idea of what sailing was in those days.
The usual record every twelve hours is “_Victory_ north one mile.”
Sometimes the flagship is rather more distant, and occasionally the
“Admiral (Louis) went on board the _Victory_.” Doubtless the impatience
and excitement was not all on Nelson’s part. Every man in the fleet
must have felt that a battle was not far off. All this time the three
frigates were almost daily out in chase, but no enemy was sighted, and
it was not until June 3 that the Admiral signalled that the French and
Spanish squadrons were at Martinique, “having gained this intelligence
from two English letters of marque.”
Next day they arrived at Barbadoes, where the Admiral gave orders
to embark troops. Nine regiments had been sent out from England in
the spring, but had not arrived in time to prevent Missiessy and his
squadron from Rochefort from doing much as they chose during his
stay among the islands. His troops had taken possession of Dominica,
excepting a fort held by General Prevost’s force, and he had laid under
contribution Montserrat, Nevis and St. Kitt’s.
Missiessy had then departed, according to the Emperor’s instructions,
for France, crossing Villeneuve’s fleet in Mid-Atlantic. Thus
Napoleon’s grand scheme of combination fell through. The fleets from
Toulon and Rochefort missed each other, instead of meeting at the
West Indies, and the Brest fleet did not succeed in getting past the
British blockade. The _Canopus_ log of July 17 records the return of
Missiessy’s squadron. “Five sail of the line and four frigates arrived
at Rochefort, on May 21. Vessels dismantled and remained.”
The troops embarked by the squadron at Barbadoes were some of those
despatched hither in the spring. There is a record of a characteristic
order on June 3:
“Admiral made telegraph signal--‘Troops to be victualled at whole
allowance of provisions.’” The practice of the day was that soldiers at
sea received smaller rations than the ship’s company--just the sort of
unreasonable orders which it would delight Nelson to set aside.
Early on the 5th the squadron was again under weigh, the _Victory_
leading and the _Canopus_ astern; but in consequence of wrong
information received they were on a southerly course, and hourly
increasing their distance from the combined enemy’s fleet, which was
still among the islands, but to the northward of Martinique. The signal
at three o’clock “to prepare for battle” was not to be followed by any
immediate action.
On the 7th the Gulf of Paria, in Trinidad, was reached, but still no
news of the enemy was obtained. The log merely mentions anchoring there
for the night and sailing for the northerly islands next morning. The
careful records of barometer and temperature are here interrupted, as
“barometer taken down in clearing for action.”
All through June 10, 11 and 12 the smaller craft were constantly
detached to the various islands for intelligence, and finally they all
anchored at Antigua.
ORDER OF BATTLE AND OF SAILING
REPEATING FRIGATES
{NO. SHIPS’ NAMES. CAPTAINS.
{ 1. _Canopus_ { Rear-Admiral Louis }
{ { Captain Francis W. Austen }
{ 2. }
VAN { 3. }
SQUADRON { 4. _Superb_ Richard G. Keats }
{ 5. }
{ { The Commander-in-Chief }
{ 6. _Victory_ { Rear-Admiral Murray }
{ { Captain Thomas Hardy }
{ 7. _Donegal_ Pulteney Malcolm }
{ 8. }
{ 9. _Spencer_ Hon. R. Stopford }
{10. }
} STARBOARD
{ 1. } DIVISION
{ 2. }
{ 3. _Tigre_ Benjamin Hallowell }
{ 4. }
CENTRE { 5. _Northumberland_ { Rear-Admiral Hon. A. }
SQUADRON { { Cochrane }
{ { Captain George Tobin }
{
{ 6. }
{ 7. _Leviathan_ Wm. Henry Baynton }
{ 8. }
{ 9. }
{10. }
{ 1. }
{ 2. } LARBOARD
{ 3. } DIVISION
{ 4. }
{ 5. }
REAR { 6. _Belleisle_ William Hargood }
SQUADRO { 7. _Excellent_ Israel Pellew }
{ 8. _Swiftsure_ W. G. Rutherford }
{ 9. _Spartiate_ Sir Francis Laforey, Bart. }
{10. }
To FRANCIS WILLIAM AUSTEN, ESQ. Dated on board the _Victory_
Captain of His Majesty’s Ship _Canopus_ in CARLISLE BAY, BARBADOES,
_June 5, 1805_
(_Signed_) NELSON AND BRONTE
“_June 12._--Admiral made signal to prepare letters for England. At
eight o’clock the _Curieux_ brig parted company for England.”
This brig had a history of some interest. She had been captured from
the French on February 3, 1804. She was cut out by the _Centaur_ from
the harbour of Martinique, just after the Diamond Rock had been seized
and garrisoned by the same man-of-war. The story is pathetically told
by M. Cheminant, the only French officer who survived the action.
“ON BOARD THE _Curieux_, CAPTURED BY THE ENGLISH,
“_Pluviose 14, Year 12_.
“The only officer remaining of those who commanded the crew of
the _Curieux_, I owe you a faithful report of the cruel tragedy
which has delivered us up to the enemy.
“On the 13th instant, before one o’clock in the morning I
was on deck with a midshipman and twenty men, according to
the orders given by Captain Cordier. The weather was of the
darkest, especially in the northern direction. Sentries were
placed abaft at the ladder and forward. Our boarding nettings
were triced up. We had hardly perceived the English boats
before they boarded by the stern and the main shrouds. We had
only time to discharge two guns with grape shot, one swivel and
a wall piece, when the enemy were on board, and forced us to
have recourse to the sabre, pike and musketry.”
Lieutenant Bettesworth took a chief part in the attack, and was
eventually rewarded with the command of the brig, which had been one of
the best vessels of its kind in the French navy.
It was an important mission which was now entrusted to Captain
Bettesworth. He was to sail for England with despatches from Lord
Nelson for the Admiralty, steering a certain course in the hope that he
would sight the enemy’s fleet. Nelson was right in his conjecture, and
Captain Bettesworth reached England with the news that Villeneuve was
on the return voyage.
The _Curieux_ anchored at Plymouth on July 7, and the Captain reached
the Admiralty at 11 P.M. on the 8th, too late, in the officials’
opinion, for the First Lord to be disturbed. Lord Barham, a sailor
himself, knew well the value of time in naval matters, and was much
annoyed at the loss of so many precious hours. Though over eighty
years of age his judgment was rapid and accurate. Early on the 9th
Admiralty messages were on the way to Portsmouth and Plymouth. Admiral
Cornwallis, off Ushant, received his orders on the 11th to detach the
squadron blockading Rochefort and send it to join Calder westward off
Cape Finisterre, while he himself was to cruise south of Ushant. To
the amazement of Napoleon, only eight days after the arrival of the
_Curieux_, Sir Robert Calder was ready with fifteen ships off Ferrol.
There Villeneuve met him, and an action took place which should
have been decisive, but by reason of excessive caution on the part
of Calder, only caused loss of ships and men to both sides without
advantage to either. Calder joined Cornwallis off Ushant, while
Villeneuve went into Vigo Bay and afterwards into Ferrol.
Nelson’s squadron began the voyage back from the West Indies on June
15, and we have again in the log of the _Canopus_ the matter-of-fact,
day-to-day record of routine work, vessels spoken, “no intelligence,”
small prizes, rigging out of gear, and so forth, behind which was the
background of suppressed excitement, of unremitting watch, and of
constant readiness. As the months went on and the situation developed,
the excitement increased, and reached its climax only with Trafalgar
Day.
One entry gives an idea of the difference in the conditions of warfare
then and now. “On June 19, an English merchant vessel was spoken by
the _Amphion_ frigate. They signalled--‘Have English papers to the 3rd
of May. Interesting debates.’ Admiral asked--‘Who is First Lord of
the Admiralty?’ Answer--‘Lord Barham.’ Knowing so little as they did
of affairs at home, they could not be sure that all might not be over
before they got back.
“_June 29._--The _Amazon_ at daylight was seen to be towing a captured
Spanish _Tartan_, from La Guayra. The people on board did not know of
the war.” This was undoubtedly an extreme case, and one feels some
sympathy for the “people on board,” who were captured before they knew
that they were fighting.
The winds were naturally less favourable for the return voyage, but by
taking a course near Bermuda, and to the Azores, they made much better
headway than Villeneuve had managed to do, and reached Gibraltar on
July 17. After a few days here they gained intelligence of the doings
of the _Curieux_ brig, and sailed northwards to join Admiral Cornwallis
off Ushant.
“_August 15._--Off Ushant. Lord Nelson saluted Admiral Cornwallis with
fifteen guns, returned with thirteen.--Joined the Channel Fleet of
twenty-four sail of the line. Answered our signal to follow orders of
Admiral Cornwallis in the _Ville de Paris_.”
“_August 16._--Thirty-five sail of the line in company. _Victory_ and
_Superb_ parted company for England.”
We read from a contemporary writer that Nelson arrived “filled
with mortification, which those who first conversed with him after
his arrival state to have amounted almost to anguish, at his
disappointment” at having missed Villeneuve in the West Indies.
“_August 17._--_Ville de Paris_ made signal to _Prince of Wales_ (Sir
R. Calder) to part company, on service previously denoted. Made sail
(southwards) in company with squadron of nineteen sail of the line.”
“On 20th _Naiad_ brought intelligence that the French fleet had sailed
from Ferrol on the 13th.”
“On 22nd, off Peninsular coast, Admiral Calder signalled ‘Prepare for
battle.’”
This was almost on the very spot of his indecisive fight of July
23. Calder’s “order of battle” gives very full details on various
contingencies, making a sharp contrast with those signed “Nelson and
Bronté,” in which the ships’ stations only are set down, the rest of
the orders being given in the plan of attack well known as the “Nelson
Touch.”
In the log of 24th “the enemy’s fleet of twenty-eight sail of the line
were off Cape St. Vincent on the 18th, when they fell in with and
destroyed four sail of merchantmen, under convoy of the _Halcyon_,
which narrowly escaped capture. In the afternoon, the _Euryalus_, with
despatches from V. A. Collingwood, reported that the combined fleet
anchored in Cadiz on the 21st, making in all thirty-four sail of the
line.”
With the enemy in Cadiz the only thing to be done was to wait until
they came out. On the 30th the log records: “Joined Vice-Admiral
Collingwood’s squadron of five sail of the line.” The fleet wore
and stood off, while _Canopus_, _Spencer_, _Tigre_, _Leviathan_ and
_Donegal_ were ordered to cruise in sight of Cadiz. This plan of
keeping a squadron close in shore was followed throughout September,
while the fleet awaited the arrival of Nelson from England, and the
enemy watched for an opportunity to get out, either to meet the British
fleet or to pass them on the way into the Mediterranean.
An extract from the _Naval Chronicle_ shows something of popular
feeling in England at this juncture. The remarks on Nelson as
contrasted with those of a few months later, after Trafalgar had been
fought and won, are more amusing than instructive.
“The arrival of Lord Nelson and Sir Robert Calder’s action are the
principal events of the last month which have occupied the public
mind. It has been said that the former, with Sir Sydney Smith, is soon
to embark on some desperate project against the enemy, and we most
sincerely wish to see his lordship employed at the present moment in
the defence of our own shores. Should the mad project of invasion ever
be attempted, the public would feel additional security from having
the Hero of the Nile off our own coast. But we greatly lament that
ill-judged and over-weening popularity which tends to make another
demigod of Lord Nelson at the expense of all other officers in the
Service, many of whom possess equal merit and equal abilities and equal
gallantry with the noble Admiral.
“Sir Robert Calder has not yet, even to the Admiralty, given that
explanation of his conduct which his country expects and his character
demands. With his character and its failings we are well acquainted,
but we only wish to regard his talents. The French fleet did certainly
not run away; owing to the particular manœuvres of the action, they
may be said even to have pursued us, and this may, perhaps, have been
occasioned by some feint of our Admiral in order to attack the French
to greater advantage. But the whole is at present merely conjecture,
until some further explanation of the action has taken place. The
account which the French have published in the _Moniteur_, allowing for
their natural boasting and vanity, contains a greater portion of truth
than usual.”
Villeneuve’s letter will give an idea of what that account was. “The
battle then began almost along the whole line. We fired by the light of
the enemy’s fire, almost always without seeing them. The fog did not
abate during the remainder of the evening. At the first peep of dawn I
made signal to bear down upon the enemy, who had taken their position
at a great distance, and endeavoured by every possible press of sail to
avoid renewing the action. Finding it impossible to force them to an
engagement, I thought it my duty not to remove further from the line of
my destination.”
In consequence of this Sir Robert Calder was recalled and tried by
court-martial at Portsmouth in the following December, when he was
severely reprimanded for an “error in judgment.” The severity of tone
of the _Naval Chronicle_ towards those who were fighting the country’s
battles finds its parallel in the French newspapers of the date.
Villeneuve was deeply stung by a sneering remark in the _Moniteur_ upon
what the conduct of the French fleet might be if commanded by a man of
ability--so much so as to induce him to disregard Napoleon’s wishes
that he should go to Toulon, collecting forces on the way, and to lead
him to come to close quarters with our fleet as soon as a convenient
opportunity offered. Of that opportunity and the Battle of Trafalgar to
which it led we will speak in the following chapter.
CHAPTER X
“A MELANCHOLY SITUATION”
The month of September was spent in blockading Cadiz. The _Canopus_,
as already stated, was one of the squadron of five told off to keep
close in shore and watch the port. So close were they that one time
the _Tigre_ nearly ran aground and had to be towed off. The log on
September 16th gives an account of what could be seen of the enemy’s
fleet.
“We stood in till all the enemy’s fleet were open of the town, and had
an opportunity of distinctly counting them. Their whole force consisted
of thirty-three sail of the line and five frigates, all apparently
quite ready for sea, with the exception of two ships of the line; one
of which (French) had her topmasts struck, and main top-gallant mast
down on the deck; the other (Spanish) had her foremast struck and
fore-stay slack as if doing something to the bowsprit. Of the ships
of the line seventeen were French and sixteen Spanish, of which last
two were three-deckers. The frigates were all French, and one of them
appeared to have a poop. We saw also at the Carracas three large ships
(two of them appearing to be three-deckers) and two small ones, all of
them in a considerable state of forwardness in point of rigging.”
On September 28 the _Victory_ arrived from England, with Nelson on
board, and three days later the _Canopus_ joined the main part of the
fleet, and was almost immediately told off to take her turn in the duty
of fetching water from Gibraltar. The story of the month of October,
with its hopes, fears, and disappointments, is best told by Francis
Austen himself in the following letter to Mary Gibson:
“_Canopus_ AT SEA, OFF GIBRALTAR, _October 15, 1805_.
“MY DEAREST MARY,--Having now got over the hurry and bustle
which unavoidably attends every ship while in the act of
compleating provisions, water and stores, I think it high
time to devote some part of my attention to your amusement,
and to be in a state of preparation for any opportunity which
may offer of dispatching letters to England. But in order to
make myself understood I must endeavour to be methodical, and
therefore shall commence the account I have now to send you
from the date of my last, which was finished and forwarded by
the _Nimble_ brig on the 2nd of this month. We had then just
joined the fleet from the inshore squadron, and, I believe
I mentioned, were about to quit it again for Gibraltar and
Tetuan. We sailed that evening with four other ships of the
line, a frigate, and five merchant vessels under convoy, and on
the following morning fell in with the _Euryalus_, which we had
left off Cadiz to watch the enemy. Captain Blackwood informed
us by signal that he had received information by a Swedish
ship from Cadiz that the troops had all embarked on board the
men-of-war, and it was reported they were to sail with the
first easterly wind. Though much confidence could not be placed
on the accuracy and authenticity of this intelligence, it was,
however, of such a nature as to induce Admiral Louis to return
with four of the ships to Lord Nelson, leaving the _Zealous_
and _Endymion_ (both of them crippled ships) to proceed with
the convoy to Gibraltar. We rejoined the Commander-in-Chief on
the morning of the 5th, and were again dispatched in the course
of the day.
“The wind being directly against us, and blowing very strong,
we were not able to reach Gibraltar until the 9th, when every
exertion was made to get on board such supplies of stores and
provisions as we were in want of, and the Rock could supply.
This was effected in three days, at which time the wind changed
to the westward and became favourable for our watering at
Tetuan, where we anchored on the evening of the 12th. We sailed
again last night to return to the fleet, having got on board in
the course of two days, with our own boats alone, 300 tons of
water, and every other ship had got a proportionate quantity.
You will judge from this that we have not been idle. We are now
expecting a wind to take us out of the Mediterranean again, and
hope to accomplish it in the course of the next twenty-four
hours; at present it is nearly calm, but appearances indicate
an easterly wind. We are, of course, very anxious to get back
to the fleet for fear the enemy should be moving, for the idea
of their doing so while we are absent is by no means pleasant.
Having borne our share in a tedious chace and anxious blockade,
it would be mortifying indeed to find ourselves at last thrown
out of any share of credit or emolument which would result from
an action. Such, I hope, will not be our lot, though, if they
do venture out at all, it must happen to some one, as a part of
the fleet will be constantly sent in to compleat as fast as the
others arrive from having performed that duty.
“Our stay at Gibraltar was not productive of much gaiety to us;
we dined only twice on shore, and both times with General Fox,
the Governor. We had engagements for several succeeding days
on our hands; but this change of wind making it necessary for
us to move off, our friends were left to lament our absence,
and eat the fatted calf without us. I believe I have mentioned
in a former letter that the young lady _I admired so much_
(Miss Smith) was married to the Colonel Keen, whom Sutton will
not acknowledge as an acquaintance. As a matter of civility,
I called with the Admiral Louis to make them a morning visit,
but we were not fortunate enough to find them at home, which,
of course, _I_ very much regretted. The last evening of our
stay at Gibraltar we went, after dining with the General,
to see _Othello_ performed by some of the officers of the
garrison. The theatre is small, but very neatly fitted up; the
dresses and scenery appeared good, and I might say the same
of the acting could I have seen or heard anything of it; but,
although I was honoured with a seat in the Governor’s box at
the commencement of the performance, yet I did not long profit
by it, for one of his aide-de-camps, happening to be married,
and his lady happening also to come in during the first scene,
I was obliged to resign my situation, happy to have it in my
power to accommodate a fair one. The play was _Othello_, and
by what I have been able to collect from the opinions of those
who were more advantageously situated for seeing and hearing
than myself, I did not experience a very severe loss from
my complaisance. I believe the Admiral was not much better
amused than I was, for, at the expiration of the first act, he
proposed departing, which I very readily agreed to, as I had
for some time found the house insufferably close and hot. I
hardly need add that the evening was not quite so productive
of pleasure to me as the last theatrical representation I
had witnessed, which was at Covent Garden some time in the
beginning of February last, when I had the honour of being
seated by a fair young lady, with whom I became slightly
acquainted the preceding year at Ramsgate.
“Do you happen to recollect anything of the evening? I think
you do, and that you will not readily forget it.
“_October 18._--The hopes with which I had flattered myself of
getting out of the Straits two days ago have not been realised,
and, from the circumstances which have since occurred, it is
very uncertain when we shall get to the fleet again. The wind
on the evening of the 15th came to the westward and forced us
back to Tetuan, where we remained till yesterday evening, at
which time a frigate came over with orders for Admiral Louis
to give protection to a convoy then collected at Gibraltar for
Malta, as far as Cartagena, after which he is to return to
the Commander-in-Chief. We accordingly came over to the Rock
this morning, and are now proceeding as fast as possible with
the trade to the eastward. Our force consists of five sail
of the line and three frigates, which last we shall leave in
charge of the convoy as soon as we have seen them safe past
the Cartagena squadron. I can’t say I much like the prospect.
I do not expect to derive any advantage from it, and it puts
us completely out of the way in case the enemy should make an
attempt to get to sea, which is by no means improbable, if he
knows Lord Nelson’s force is weakened by the detachment of so
many ships. It is since I last wrote to you I believe that your
No. 3 has come to hand; it was brought by Brigadier-General
Tilson, and was enclosed under cover from Henry. It has been
months on the journey. There are still three of yours missing,
Nos. 5, 6 and 7, some of which I suppose are gone to seek me
in the West Indies, but I trust they will do so in vain there.
We have heard from the fleet off Cadiz, and learn that it has
been reinforced by the arrival of five men-of-war from England,
some of which I hope have brought letters, or they might as
well have stayed away. Sir Robert Calder is gone home in the
_Prince of Wales_, which I am sorry has happened during our
absence, as by it a very fine opportunity of writing has been
lost, which is always a source of regret to me when it occurs.
I cannot, however, accuse myself of any neglect, and you will,
I hope, as readily acquit me of it; indeed, when you know the
circumstances, I am sure you will, though I daresay you will
feel rather disappointed to hear a man-of-war has arrived from
the Cadiz fleet and find no letter arrived from me, unless you
happened to recollect that I expected to go to Gibraltar and,
therefore, would probably have been absent when she left the
station.
“_October 21._--We have just bid adieu to the convoy, without
attending them quite so far as was originally intended, having
this day received intelligence, by a vessel despatched in
pursuit of us, that on Saturday, 19th, the enemy’s fleet was
actually under way, and coming out of Cadiz.
“Our situation is peculiarly unpleasant and distressing,
for if they escape Lord Nelson’s vigilance and get into the
Mediterranean, which is not very likely, we shall be obliged,
with our small force, to keep out of their way; and on the
other hand, should an action take place, it must be decided
long before we could possibly get down even were the wind fair,
which at present it is not. As I have no doubt but the event
would be highly honourable to our arms, and be at the same
time productive of some good prizes, I shall have to lament
our absence on such an occasion on a double account, the loss
of pecuniary advantage as well as of professional credit. And
after having been so many months in a state of constant and
unremitting fag, to be at last cut out by a parcel of folk just
come from their homes, where some of them were sitting at their
ease the greater part of last war, and the whole of this, till
just now, is particularly hard and annoying.
“You, perhaps, may not feel this so forcibly as I do, and in
your satisfaction at my having avoided the danger of battle may
not much regret my losing the credit of having contributed to
gain a victory; not so myself!
“I do not profess to like fighting for its own sake, but if
there have been an action with the combined fleets I shall ever
consider the day on which I sailed from the squadron as the
most inauspicious one of my life.
“_October 27_, off Tetuan.--Alas! my dearest Mary, all my fears
are but too fully justified. The fleets have met, and, after a
very severe contest, a most decisive victory has been gained
by the English twenty-seven over the enemy’s thirty-three.
Seventeen of the ships are taken and one is burnt; but I
am truly sorry to add that this splendid affair has cost
us many lives, and amongst them the most invaluable one to
the nation, that of our gallant, and ever-to-be-regreted,
Commander-in-Chief, Lord Nelson, who was mortally wounded by
a musket shot, and only lived long enough to know his fleet
successful. In a public point of view, I consider his loss as
the greatest which could have occurred; nor do I hesitate to
say there is not an Admiral on the list so eminently calculated
for the command of a fleet as he was. I never heard of his
equal, nor do I expect again to see such a man. To the soundest
judgment he united prompt decision and speedy execution of his
plans; and he possessed in a superior degree the happy talent
of making every class of persons pleased with their situation
and eager to exert themselves in forwarding the public service.
As a national benefit I cannot but rejoice that our arms have
been once again successful, but at the same time I cannot help
feeling how very unfortunate we have been to be away at such
a moment, and, by a fatal combination of unfortunate though
unavoidable events, to lose all share in the glory of a day
which surpasses all which ever went before, is what I cannot
think of with any degree of patience; but, as I cannot write
upon that subject without complaining, I will drop it for the
present, till time and reflection reconcile me a little more to
what I know is now inevitable.
[Illustration: CAPTAIN F. W. AUSTEN]
“We arrived off the Rock of Gibraltar two days ago, and
having heard of the action as well as that our fleet was in
want of assistance to repair their damages and secure their
prizes, we proceeded on with a fine, fresh wind at east to run
through the Straits; but before we were out of sight of
the garrison the wind chopped round to the westward, directly
in our teeth, and came on to blow a very heavy gale of wind,
which effectually prevented our proceeding. We bore away for
this place and wait a change of wind and weather, not a little
anxious for our friends outside, who could have been but ill
prepared to encounter such a severe storm as they must have
experienced on a lee shore, and probably with crippled masts.
Indeed, I hardly expect to hear they have all escaped.
“Off Cadiz, _October 31_.--Having at length effected our escape
from the Mediterranean prison and rejoined our friends, I will
proceed to such particulars as have come to my ears relative to
the action, and present situation of our ships. The object of
the enemy was avowedly to get into the Mediterranean, but at
the same time they did not, as their conduct proved, wish to
avoid a battle, expecting, no doubt, their superiority would
have ensured them at least a _drawn_ action, and that they
would have disabled our fleet so much as to deprive us of the
means to prevent their proceeding to Toulon; but in this they
were fortunately mistaken. Indeed, they acknowledge that they
had considered Lord Nelson’s whole force as only twenty-seven,
and knowing that he had detached six into the Mediterranean
expected to find him with only twenty-one ships, and the
irregular mass in which our ships bore down to the attack
prevented their counting them, so that till after the action
was closed the French Admiral did not discover how great a
force he had encountered. The van of our fleet which led the
attack have suffered very much, especially the _Victory_,
_Royal Sovereign_, _Téméraire_, _Belleisle_, _Mars_, and
_Bellerophon_; but some of the rear vessels hardly got into
action at all. Had we been there our station would have been
the fifth ship from the van, and I trust we should have had our
share.
“The battle was hardly concluded when the weather set in so
stormy (and continued so for nearly a week) as to prevent our
taking possession of many ships which had surrendered, and of
keeping several others. Nineteen are known to have struck;
four of which have since got into Cadiz; three are in our
possession; and the rest, to the number of twelve, are either
burnt, sunk, or driven on shore. Of thirteen, which are now in
Cadiz, out of their whole force the greatest part have lost
nearly all their masts, and are so completely disabled as to
make it impossible they can be again ready for service during
the winter. On the whole, therefore, we may fairly consider
their loss as equal to twenty sail of the line.
“Our ships have been so much dispersed since the action, by
the blowing weather, that Admiral Collingwood has not yet
been able to collect reports of their damages or loss; but he
has strong reason to hope every ship has been able to keep
off the shore, and are now in safety. The action appears in
general to have been obstinately contested, and has doubtless
been unusually bloody; but it has also been so decisive as to
make it improbable the Spaniards or French will again risque a
meeting with a British fleet. Had it taken place in the open
sea, away from the rocks, shoals, and leeshores there is no
doubt but every ship would have been taken, but we engaged them
under every disadvantage of situation.
“I was on board the _Euryalus_ yesterday, in which ship Admiral
Collingwood has his flag at present, and was introduced to the
French Admiral Villeneuve, who is a prisoner there. He appears
to be about forty-five years of age, of dark complexion,
with rather an unmeaning countenance, and has not much the
appearance of a gentleman. He is, however, so much of a
Frenchman as to bear his misfortunes with cheerfulness.
“I do not yet know in what way we are to be employed, but
imagine that, as the _Canopus_ is a perfect ship at present,
we shall be left with such others as are fit to remain at sea,
to watch the enemy in the port; while those ships which have
been damaged will go to Gibraltar to refit. Many of them will,
I daresay, be sent home, as well because proper masts cannot be
procured for them here, as that it will now be unnecessary to
keep so large a fleet on this station.
“By the death of Lord Nelson I have again lost all chance of
a frigate. I had asked his lordship to appoint me to one when
he had the opportunity, and, though I had no positive promise
from him, I have reason to believe he would have attended to my
wishes. Of Admiral Collingwood I do not know enough to allow of
my making a similar request; and not having been in the action
I have no claims of service to urge in support of my wishes.
I must, therefore, remain in the _Canopus_, though on many
accounts I am more than ever anxious to get into a frigate.
“_November 4._--We have just rejoined the fleet after having
been detached to examine the coast and assist distressed
ships, and hear the _Euryalus_ is to sail very shortly for
England with the Admiral’s despatches, containing, I presume,
the details of the action, with the particular loss of each
ship, all of which you will learn from the public papers more
correctly than I can possibly relate them, for, indeed, I have
as yet learnt scarce anything more than I have already given
you.
“I am anxiously expecting letters from England, and as our
last news from Lisbon mentioned four packets being due I hope
soon to hear of their arrival, and to be again blessed with the
sight of a well-known handwriting, which is always a cordial
to my heart, and never surely did I stand more in need of some
such support. I yesterday received a letter from Henry, dated
the 1st of October, which was brought out by Captain MacKay of
the _Scout_, who is an acquaintance of mine, and an intimate
friend of my brother Charles. The _Scout_ came away on too
short a notice to admit of Henry’s writing to you or he would
have done it. He sends me pleasing accounts of all my family,
which is, of course, gratifying to me.
“I must now, my dearest love, bid you farewell, having said
all I had got to say. Make my kindest remembrances to all your
family at Ramsgate and elsewhere.”
Miss Gibson must, indeed, have been hard-hearted if she did not acquit
her lover of neglect on receiving such a letter as this while he was
on active service. It is written, as was usual, on one large sheet
of notepaper, the “envelope,” that is the fourth page, full, except
where the folds come outside, and the whole crossed in the fine, neat
handwriting of the day, very like that of Jane Austen herself.
The scene in Cadiz Bay, after the action of Trafalgar, can be imagined
from the few facts given in the log of the _Canopus_ on her arrival
from Tetuan.
“_October 30_, at 11, saw a French ship of the line dismasted at the
entrance of the harbour. On standing in to reconnoitre the position
of the enemy’s ship it was judged impossible to bring her out with
the wind as it was, and that it was not worth the risque of disabling
one of the squadron in an attempt to destroy her. She appeared to be
warping fast in, and to have a great length of hawser laid out. The
batteries fired several shells over us.
“_31st._--Passed the _Juno_ and a Spanish 74 at anchor. The Spanish
vessel, _San Ildefonso_, had lost all her masts, but was then getting
up jury masts.
“At a quarter past four, closed the _Euryalus_, having Vice-Admiral
Collingwood’s flag, shortened sail and hove to. The Admiral (also the
Captain) went on board the _Euryalus_. Several ships at anchor around
us.
“A French frigate and brig, with flags of truce, in the squadron.
“At four we had passed the _Ajax_, _Leviathan_, and _Orion_ at anchor,
all of them, to appearance, but little damaged in the action. The
_Leviathan_ was fishing her main yard, and the _Ajax_ shifting her
fore-top mast. A large ship, supposed to be the _Téméraire_, was at
anchor to the northward of San Luca, with fore and mizen-top masts
gone; and eight others were seen from the masthead to the W.N.W.
“_November 1._--Saw the wreck of a ship lying on the Marragotes shoal.
“_November 19._--Saw the _Téméraire_, _Royal Sovereign_, _Tonnant_,
_Leviathan_, and _Mars_. These five ships are returning here under jury
masts, having suffered considerably in the action of the 21st ult.
“The _Sovereign_ was in tow of the _Leviathan_, which seemed to be the
most perfect ship of the whole.”
The _Canopus_, as Francis Austen foresaw, was left at Cadiz with those
ships which had suffered but slightly, as well as those which had
shared their own hard fate of being out of the action altogether. Here
they stayed till the end of the month, awaiting further developments.
CHAPTER XI
ST. DOMINGO
Francis Austen in the letter to Miss Gibson expresses two wishes,
neither of which was to be fulfilled.
He never got into a frigate, as he himself foresaw.
Service in a frigate would have been more exciting, as well as
more profitable, than in a ship of the line. The frigates got the
intelligence, and secured most prizes.
His other wish, that his letters might seek him in vain in the West
Indies, was also not to be gratified, for before two months were
over he was again on the passage thither, though whether he had the
consolation of meeting his letters is another matter. As this voyage
culminated in the action of St. Domingo, and the capture of several
valuable prizes, the need for “comfort and support” was certainly
not so great as after the disappointment of missing Trafalgar. How
great that disappointment was his letter testifies. And something
must be added to, rather than taken away from, this, in allowing for
his natural reserve. From a man of his temperament every word means
more than if Charles had been the writer. The fact that the log of
the _Canopus_, on the day when the news of Trafalgar was received, is
headed “Off Gibraltar, a melancholy situation,” is the only indication
to be found there of the state of feeling on board. Otherwise, there is
nothing but rejoicing in the greatness and completeness of the victory,
and sorrow at the death of the Commander-in-Chief.
The account of this second cruise begins with the arrival of Sir John
Duckworth.
“_November 15._ _Superb_ (Vice-Admiral Sir John Duckworth) and
_Powerful_ joined company off Cape St. Mary (Portugal).
“Order of sailing:
WEATHER LINE. LEE LINE.
_Superb._ _Canopus._
_Spencer._ _Donegal._
_Agamemnon._ _Powerful._
“_November 29._--Saw a man-of-war in the E.N.E. standing towards us;
perceived the stranger had the signal flying to speak with the Admiral,
and for having intelligence to communicate. The _Agamemnon_ showed her
number, and made telegraph signal ‘Information of the enemy’s squadron.
Six sail of the line off Madeira.’
“Let off rockets to draw the attention of the squadron in the W.N.W.
“Sir Edward Berry came on board, and stated that at eight yesterday
evening, Captain Langford of the _Lark_ informed him that on the 20th
of this month he fell in with a French squadron of six ships of the
line, three frigates and two brigs, in Lat. 30 N., Long. 19 W., which
chased his convoy to the S.S.E. He escaped by altering his course in
the night. Two days after he fell in with the West India outward-bound
convoy, and was directed by Captain Lake of the _Topaz_ to proceed with
the intelligence to the senior officer off Cadiz.”
This news was confirmed on December 1, and by the 5th the whole
squadron had reached Madeira, only to find, as usual, that the enemy
had gone somewhere else. They went on to the Canary Islands, still
cruising in search of the French. The entries on December 24 and 25
tell of the meeting with and chase of another squadron, not that which
was afterwards engaged at St. Domingo.
“_December 24_, _Arethusa_ and convoy met the enemy’s squadron which
we were in search of on December 16 in Lat. 40, Long. 13. The convoy
dispersed, and it is hoped that none were taken. By the last accounts
from the Continent, the French had suffered an important check, in
which 8026 were taken beside those killed.” This was, of course,
an entirely unfounded report, as no severe check had occurred to
Napoleon’s arms, in fact the great victory of Austerlitz was just won.
“_December 25_, half-past six A.M., saw seven sail in the S.W.; tacked
ship and made all sail. Answered signal for a general chace. Perceived
the strangers to be vessels of war, and not English. At eight, answered
signal to prepare for battle, at nine tacked, at ten cleared the ship
for action. Light baffling airs. The strange squadron standing to the
southward under all sail; _Superb_, _Spencer_, and _Agamemnon_ south,
six or seven miles; _Powerful_, N.W., three miles; _Donegal_ and
_Amethyst_, S.S.W., four or five miles; _Acasta_, E. by S., one mile.
“At sunset the chace just in sight ahead from the top-gallant yard. Our
advanced ships S.E. five or six leagues. At six lost sight of all the
squadron but the _Donegal_ and _Powerful_.
“When the strange sails were first seen, they appeared to be steering
to the S.W., and to be a good deal scattered, the nearest being about
ten miles from us, and some barely in sight from the deck. They
all were seen to make a multiplicity of signals, and it was soon
discovered, from their sails, signals, and general appearance, that
they were French.
“Their force was five ships of the line and two frigates. At eight
o’clock the weathermost bore down as if to form a line of battle, and,
shortly after that, made all sail on the larboard tack. Owing to the
baffling and varying winds, and the enemy catching every puff first,
we had the mortification of seeing them increase their distance every
moment.”
It is clear that the escape of this squadron was largely due to the
slow sailing of some of these ships. The _Canopus_ herself did not sail
well in light winds, having been more than two years in commission
without docking, and the _Powerful_, a few days afterwards, sprung
her foreyard, and had to be detached from the squadron. At the end of
the chase, the distance between the leading ship, _Superb_, and the
_Donegal_, the last of the squadron, is estimated in James’ _Naval
History_ at forty-five miles.
The squadron then made sail for Barbadoes in order to revictual, and,
after coming in for a heavy gale, arrived there on January 12. On
the 11th, news was received by a vessel from England, which had been
spoken, that Denmark had joined the coalition against France.
It is perhaps noteworthy that the highest records in any of these logs
are those during the gale on January 8, 9, and 10, when the _Canopus_
attained ten knots per hour, and made six hundred and sixty-one miles
in three days.
Rear-Admiral Cochrane joined the squadron with the _Northumberland_,
and acted as second in command to Sir John Duckworth. He had held the
same post under Nelson in June 1805, for the few days when the fleet
was in West Indian waters.
From Barbadoes they went on to St. Christopher. It is an instance
of the difficulties of warfare in the then state of the Navy, that
thirteen men took the opportunity of the _Canopus_ being anchored close
inshore to desert from her, by swimming ashore in the night. No doubt
similar trouble was felt on other ships of the squadron.
“On _February 1_, _Kingfisher_ brought intelligence that a Danish
schooner belonging to Santa Cruz had, on January 25, seen a squadron
of French men-of-war, seven of the line and four frigates, in the
Mona passage. The master was on board the _Alexandre_, a 74, and the
_Brave_, a three-decker, where he was informed they were part of a
squadron of ten of the line, and ten frigates and one brig, which had
sailed from Brest forty days before, and had separated in crossing the
Atlantic.
“_February 2._ At four the _Superb_ made signal for the flag-officers
of the squadron.”
On February 3 this intelligence of the arrival of the enemy at St.
Domingo was confirmed, and great must have been the joy thereat.
On February 6 took place the battle of St. Domingo. The log gives an
account which is bare of all detail, except that which is entirely
nautical.
“At daylight the frigates ahead six or seven miles.
“Extent of land N.E. by E., and N.W. by W.; nearest part three or four
leagues. _Acasta_ made signal for one sail W.N.W. at a quarter past
six, ‘That the strange sail had been observed to fire guns.’
“Half-past six, ‘For eight sail W.N.W.’
“A quarter before seven, ‘Enemy’s ships of war are at anchor.’
“Ten minutes to seven, ‘Enemy’s ships are getting under way.’
“Five minutes before seven, ‘Enemy’s ships are of the line.’
“At seven, saw eight sail under the land, standing to the westward,
under press of sail. Answered signal, ‘Prepare for battle.’
“At eight, signal, ‘Engage as coming up with the enemy, and take
stations for mutual support.’
“Five minutes past eight, ‘Make all sail possible, preserving the same
order.’ Perceived the enemy’s force to consist of one three-decker,
four two-deckers, two frigates, and a corvette.
“At a quarter past ten, the _Superb_ commenced to fire on the enemy’s
van. At twenty past ten, the _Northumberland_ and _Spencer_ began
firing. At half-past, we opened our fire on the first ship in the
enemy’s line, at that time engaged by the _Spencer_, passing close
across her bows, with one broadside brought her masts by the board.
Stood on towards the three-decker, firing occasionally at her and two
other of the enemy’s ships, as we could get our guns to bear. All the
squadron in action.
“At a quarter to eleven, the _Atlas_ ran on board of us, and carried
away our bowsprit, but got clear without doing us material damage.
“At ten minutes to eleven, the dismasted ship struck, as did shortly
after two others. Engaged with the three-decker, which appeared to be
pushing for the shore. At ten minutes to twelve, gave her a raking
broadside, which brought down her mizen mast, and appeared to do great
damage to her stern and quarter.
“At twelve o’clock she ran ashore. Wore ship and fired our larboard
broadside at the remaining two-decker, which was also making for the
shore. At ten past twelve, discontinued the action.”
A rather more stirring account of the action is given in a private
letter from an officer on board the _Superb_.
This letter also contains the story of the chase of the former squadron
on Christmas Day.
“After leaving Lord Collingwood we fell in with a French squadron on
December 25, off the Canaries, which we now know was commanded by
Jerome Bonaparte.
“You cannot conceive the joy expressed by every one on board. Every
individual thought himself a king, and expected that day to be one
of the happiest Christmases he had ever spent. But from the very
bad sailing of several ships of the fleet, Jerome had the good luck
to escape, and the joy of the squadron was turned into melancholy,
which had not altogether worn off until we found the squadron at St.
Domingo (quite a different one). I can give you very little idea of
the exultation expressed by every countenance when we were certain of
bringing them to action. The scene was truly grand, particularly when
you consider the feelings on board the two squadrons, the one making
every exertion to get away, and determined to run the gauntlet in order
to escape, and the other straining every nerve to prevent their flight.
They were at this time going before the wind, and we were endeavouring
to cross them, in order to prevent the possibility of their escape,
which fortunately, from the superior sailing of the _Superb_, we were
able to effect.
“The enemy brought their two largest ships together (_l’Alexandre_,
the headmost, and _l’Impériale_) seemingly with a view to quiet the
fire of the English Admiral in the _Superb_, before any of the other
ships could come up; but in this they were disappointed, for the
second broadside from the _Superb_ fortunately did such execution
on board the enemy’s headmost ship, _l’Alexandre_, that she became
quite unmanageable and lost her station. The three-decker was by this
time within pistol-shot of the _Superb_, and apparently reserving
her fire for us; but at this critical moment Admiral Cochrane in the
_Northumberland_ came up, and notwithstanding the small distance
between the _Superb_ and _l’Impériale_, he gallantly placed her between
us, and received the whole broadside of the largest, and esteemed the
finest, ship in the French navy. Several of the shot passed quite
through the _Northumberland_ into the _Superb_. The action then
became general, and, as you must be already informed, terminated most
honourably for the British Navy; for although the enemy was a little
inferior, yet, according to the most accurate calculation, they were
entirely annihilated in the short space of one hour.”
According to the log of the _Canopus_, the time seems to have been
nearer two hours than one, but something must be allowed for the
enthusiasm of the young officer who writes this letter, and his pride
in the very “superior sailing” and other perfections of the _Superb_.
Jerome Bonaparte was not in command of the whole squadron sighted on
Christmas Day, but was captain of one of the ships, the _Veteran_. He
soon became tired of the sea, however, finding the throne of Westphalia
more congenial to his tastes.
The exact comparison between the enemy’s force and that of our own is
given in the log.
ENGLISH LINE. GUNS. MEN. FRENCH LINE. GUNS. MEN.
_Superb_ 74 590 _Le Diomède_ 80 900
_Northumberland_ 74 590 _L’Impériale_ 120 1300
_Spencer_ 74 590 _L’Alexandre_ 80 1080
_Agamemnon_ 64 490 _Le Jupitre_ 74 700
_Canopus_ 80 700 _Le Brave_ 74 700
_Donegal_ 74 590
_Atlas_ 74 590
FRIGATES, &C.
_Acasta_ 40 320 _La Comette_ 40 350
_Magicienne_ 36 250 _La Félicité_ 40 350
_Kingfisher_ 36 250 _La Diligente_ 24 200
_Epervier_ 16 95
[Illustration: Vice-Admiral Sir Francis Austen, K.C.B.’s writing-desk]
The following letter was written by Captain Austen to Mary Gibson on
the day after the action:
“_Canopus_, OFF ST. DOMINGO, _February 7, 1806_.
“MY DEAREST MARY,--The news of an action with an enemy’s
squadron flies like wildfire in England, and I have no doubt
but you will have heard of the one we had yesterday soon after
the vessel which goes home shall arrive. It will, therefore,
I am sure, be a source of satisfaction to you and my other
friends at Ramsgate to have proof under my own hand of my
having escaped unhurt from the conflict. We had intelligence
while laying at St. Kitt’s, on the 2nd instant, that a
French squadron had arrived at St. Domingo, and immediately
quitted that place in pursuit. Happily yesterday morning at
daylight we got sight of them at anchor off the town of St.
Domingo, consisting of one ship of 120 guns, two of 80, two of
74, and three frigates. Soon as we appeared in view, they got
under sail, not to meet, but to avoid us. We had one 80-gun
ship, five of 74, and one of 64, besides two frigates and four
corvettes. Our situation was such as to prevent their escape.
The action commenced at half-past ten, and was finally over by
half-past twelve, when three of the enemy’s ships were in our
possession, and the other two dismasted and on the rocks. The
frigates escaped. Had we been two miles farther off the land we
should have got the whole. We must, however, be truly thankful
for the mercies which have been showed us in effecting such a
victory with a comparatively inconsiderable loss. The Admiral
is sending the prizes, and such of our own ships as have
suffered most, to Jamaica, where, I suppose, we shall follow
as soon as we have ascertained that the two ships on shore are
in such a state as to prevent their getting off again. I am in
hopes this action will be the means of our speedy quitting this
country, and perhaps to return to Old England. Oh, how my heart
throbs at the idea! The _Canopus_ sails so bad that we were
nearly the last ship in action; when we did get up, however,
we had our share of it. Our people behaved admirably well, and
displayed astonishing coolness during the whole time.
“The first broadside we gave brought our opponent’s three masts
down at once, and towards the close of the business we also had
the satisfaction of giving the three-decker a tickling which
knocked all _his sticks_ away. We were so intermingled with the
enemy that it was impossible to confine our attack to one, and
though no one vessel struck to us in particular, I am sure we
had a share in each. The Admiral is sending off his despatches,
and I have only a few minutes which I have been able to steal
from my duty on deck to write these few hurried lines. They
will, I trust, be equal to a volume....
“P.S.--We have not suffered much in masts and rigging, and I
fancy not an officer is killed in the whole squadron.”
The work of repairs had immediately to be considered after the action
was over, and no doubt the “duty on deck” was very exacting when
Francis Austen managed to snatch time to scrawl this letter for the
relief of anxious ones at home.
The end of the two ships which ran on shore is given in the log.
“_February 9_, at eight. Saw the two ships which ran on shore during
the action of the 6th, appearing to be full of water and quite wrecks.
“Observed the frigates to fire several guns at them. At 9 shortened
sail and hove to. The _Epervier_ stood towards the wrecks with a flag
of truce. _Epervier_ made telegraph signal: ‘There are about twenty men
on board the three-decker, and sixty on board the two-decker. Boats can
approach; take them off, and fire the hulls if ordered.’
“Admiral made telegraph signal: ‘Send two boats to the _Acasta_ to
assist in bringing off prisoners.’ At a quarter past four, observed the
wrecks to be on fire.”
Soon after they were all on the passage towards Jamaica.
On February 12, an amusing incident is logged. Amusing it is in our
eyes, though perfectly seriously recorded.
“_12._ _Acasta_ made telegraph signals: An American ship four days
from Trinidad. The master reports that he saw there an English
gazette, containing particulars of great successes gained by the
allied powers on the Continent over the French, who are stated to
have been everywhere beaten, their armies destroyed, and Bonaparte
flying or killed. This had been brought to Trinidad by the mail boat
from Barbadoes, and the garrison fired a night salute on the joyful
occasion.”
This was, of course, quite at variance with facts.
The voyage home from Jamaica was uneventful, except for the constant
trouble given by _l’Alexandre_, which had evidently been badly damaged
in the action, and had at last to be taken in tow. It was a happier
home-coming for Captain Austen than he had looked forward to soon after
Trafalgar. To return after a successful action with three prizes in
company was a better fate than had then seemed possible.
They arrived on April 29, when the record stands:
“Saw the lighthouse of St. Agnes bearing N.N.E. by E., distant six or
seven leagues; made signal for seeing land,” with what feelings it
is easier to imagine than to describe. Such a description has been
attempted over and over again, with varying degrees of success. Jane
Austen tells of a sailor’s leave-taking and return only once, and
then, as is her way, by the simple narration of details. Anne Elliot
and Captain Harville are having the time-honoured argument as to the
relative strength of the feelings of men and women, and to illustrate
his point Captain Harville says: “If I could but make you comprehend
what a man suffers when he takes a last look at his wife and children,
and watches the boat he has sent them off in, as long as it is in
sight, and then turns away and says, ‘God knows whether we ever meet
again.’ And then if I could convey to you the glow of his soul when he
does see them again; when coming back after a twelvemonths’ absence,
perhaps, he calculates how soon it be possible to get them there,
pretending to deceive himself, and saying, ‘They cannot be here till
such a day,’ but all the while hoping for them twelve hours sooner, and
seeing them arrive at last, as if heaven had given them wings, by many
hours sooner still. If I could explain to you all this, and all that a
man can bear and do, and glories to do for the sake of these treasures
of his existence....”
Jane Austen must, indeed, have known something of the feelings of “such
men as have hearts,” and the troubles and joys of the seafaring life.
Several of the West Indian Governments and Trading Associations voted
addresses, as well as more substantial recognition, to the Admirals
and officers engaged at St. Domingo, who also received the thanks of
Parliament on their return to England.
CHAPTER XII
THE CAPE AND ST. HELENA
During the cruises of the _Canopus_, we have only one letter from Jane
Austen with any mention of Frank, and that is before his disappointment
of Trafalgar, or his success at St. Domingo. The full quotation serves
to show some of the difficulties of correspondence. She writes to
Cassandra: “I have been used very ill this morning. I have received a
letter from Frank which I ought to have had when Elizabeth and Henry
had theirs, and which in its way from Albany to Godmersham has been to
Dover and Steventon. It was finished on the 16th, and tells what theirs
told before as to his present situation; he is in a great hurry to be
married, and I have encouraged him in it, in the letter which ought to
have been an answer to his. He must think it very strange that I do
not acknowledge the receipt of his, when I speak of those of the same
date to Eliz and Henry, and to add to my injuries, I forgot to number
mine on the outside.” This plan of numbering was a certain safeguard
against misunderstandings, as it made it easy to find out if a letter
had been lost. The “present situation” was that off Ushant, after the
chase of Villeneuve across the Atlantic, and before the orders to
return southward had been received.
In July 1806, Francis was married to Mary Gibson, known hereafter by
her sisters-in-law as “Mrs. F. A.” to distinguish her from the other
Mary, “Mrs. J. A.”
Among the many social functions subjected to Jane Austen’s criticism,
it is not likely that the absurdities of a fashionable marriage would
escape her attention. The subject is treated with more than ordinary
severity in “Mansfield Park”--“It was a very proper wedding. The
bride was elegantly dressed, the two bridesmaids were duly inferior,
her father gave her away, her mother stood with salts in her hand,
expecting to be agitated, her aunt tried to cry, and the service was
impressively read by Dr. Grant. Nothing could be objected to, when
it came under the discussion of the neighbourhood, except that the
carriage which conveyed the bride and bridegroom and Julia from the
Church door to Sotherton was the same chaise which Mr. Rushworth had
used for a twelvemonth before. In every thing else the etiquette of the
day might stand the strictest investigation.”
Such was Jane Austen’s comment on the worldly marriage. Her estimate of
her own brother’s wedding may be better gathered from the account of
that of Mr. Knightly and Emma.
“The wedding was very much like other weddings, where the parties have
no taste for finery and parade; and Mrs. Elton, from the particulars
detailed by her husband, thought it all extremely shabby, and very
inferior to her own, ‘very little white satin, very few lace veils; a
most pitiful business. Selina would stare when she heard of it.’ But,
in spite of these deficiencies, the wishes, the hopes, the confidence,
the predictions of the small band of true friends who witnessed the
ceremony were fully answered in the perfect happiness of the union.”
From the time of his marriage till the following April, Francis was
free to spend his time with his wife at Southampton, where they were
settling not far from the house where his mother and sisters now lived.
This time was evidently a very pleasant one for Jane. She makes several
mentions of Frank and his wife and their common pursuits in her letters
to Cassandra.
“We did not take our walk on Friday, it was too dirty, nor have we yet
done it; we may perhaps do something like it to-day, as after seeing
Frank skate, which he hopes to do in the meadows by the beach, we are
to treat ourselves with a passage over the ferry. It is one of the
pleasantest frosts I ever knew, so very quiet. I hope it will last some
time longer for Frank’s sake, who is quite anxious to get some skating;
he tried yesterday, but it would not do.
“Our acquaintance increase too fast. He was recognised lately by
Admiral Bertie, and a few days since arrived the Admiral and his
daughter Catherine to wait upon us. There was nothing to like or
dislike in either. To the Berties are to be added the Lances, with
whose cards we have been endowed, and whose visit Frank and I returned
yesterday. They live about a mile and three-quarters from S., to the
right of the new road to Portsmouth, and I believe their house is one
of those which are to be seen from almost anywhere among the woods on
the other side of the Itchen. It is a handsome building, stands high,
and in a very beautiful situation.”
The next letter is an answer to one from Cassandra delaying her return,
evidently a matter of regret to the whole household.
“Frank and Mary cannot at all approve of your not being at home in
time to help them in their finishing purchases, and desire me to say
that, if you are not, they will be as spiteful as possible, and choose
everything in the style most likely to vex you--knives that will not
cut, glasses that will not hold, a sofa without a seat, and a bookcase
without shelves. But I must tell you a story. Mary had for some time
had notice from Mrs. Dickson of the intended arrival of a certain Miss
Fowler in this place. Miss F. is an intimate friend of Mrs. D., and a
good deal known as such to Mary. On Thursday last she called here while
we were out. Mary found, on our return, her card with only her name on
it, and she had left word that she would call again. The particularity
of this made us talk, and, among other conjectures, Frank said in joke,
‘I dare say she is staying with the Pearsons.’ The connection of the
names struck Mary, and she immediately recollected Miss Fowler’s having
been very intimate with persons so called, and, upon putting everything
together, we have scarcely a doubt of her actually being staying with
the only family in the place whom we cannot visit.
[Illustration: CASSANDRA AUSTEN]
“What a contretemps!--in the language of France. What an
unluckiness!--in that of Madame Duval. The black gentleman has
certainly employed one of his menial imps to bring about this complete,
though trifling mischief. Miss Fowler has never called again, but we
are in daily expectation of it. Miss P. has, of course, given her a
proper understanding of the business. It is evident that Miss F. did
not expect or wish to have the visit returned, and Francis is quite as
much on his guard for his wife as we could desire for her sake or our
own.”
What the mysterious disagreement with the Pearson family may have been
it is impossible to tell. That it caused more amusement than heartburn
is clear, but Jane was always an adept, as she says herself, at
constructing “a smartish letter, considering the want of materials.”
The next we hear of Frank (beyond the fact that he has “got a very
bad cold, for an Austen; but it does not disable him from making very
nice fringe for the drawing-room curtains”) is on the question of his
further employment. He was very anxious indeed to get into a frigate,
but feared that the death of Lord Nelson, who knew of his desire, would
seriously damage his chances of getting what he wanted. Jane writes:
“Frank’s going into Kent depends of course upon his being unemployed;
but as the First Lord, after promising Lord Moira that Captain A.
should have the first good frigate that was vacant, has since given
away two or three fine ones, he has no particular reason to expect an
appointment now. He, however, has scarcely spoken about the Kentish
journey. I have my information chiefly from her, and she considers her
own going thither as more certain if he should be at sea than if not.”
This was in February 1807. Mrs. Frank Austen was very soon to feel the
loneliness of a sailor’s wife. In April 1807, Captain Austen took
command of the _St. Albans_, then moored in Sheerness Harbour.
Naval matters, though much better than they had been, were by no means
in order yet, and great was the difficulty experienced in getting the
ship properly equipped. Letter after letter was written by the Captain
to “the principal Officers and Commissioners of His Majesty’s Navy”
before the ship could be got ready for sea, properly supplied with
stores and men. It was not until late in June that they at last got
away on convoying duty to the Cape of Good Hope.
The account of Simon’s Bay in the note-book of Francis Austen is
interesting, when compared with the state of things now existing
at the Cape. After sundry very instructive but entirely nautical
directions for sailing in and out, and anchoring, he goes on to make a
few remarks respectively on wooding and watering, fortifications and
landing-places, trade and shipping and inhabitants, from each of which
we give extracts.
“Wood is not to be had here, except by purchase, and is extravagantly
dear; nor is there any sort of fuel to be procured.
“Water is plentiful and of an excellent quality; a stream is brought
by pipes to the extremity of the wharf, where two boats may fill with
hoses at the same time, but as the run of water which supplies it is
frequently diverted to other purposes by the inhabitants, it is rather
a tedious mode of watering, and better calculated for keeping up the
daily consumption after being once completed, than for supplying the
wants of a squadron or ship arriving from a voyage.
“The method generally used by the men-of-war is to land their casks on
the sandy beach on the N.W. part of the bay, a little to the Westward
of the North battery, where there are two or three considerable runs of
water down the sides of the mountains, and make wells or dipping-places
by sinking half-casks in the sand. In this way, many ships fill their
water at the same time without at all interfering with or retarding
each other’s progress. The casks so filled must be rafted off, as there
is generally too much surf to get them into the boats, and when the
South-easters set in strong it is impracticable to get them off at all.
The casks may however remain on shore without injury, and being ready
filled may be got off when the weather suits. Both watering-places
are completely commanded by the batteries as well as by the ships at
anchorage.
“The anchorage is protected and commanded by two batteries and a round
tower. One on the South-east point of the bay, called the Block-house,
on which are three twenty-four-pounders, and a ten-inch mortar. It is
elevated about thirty feet above the level of the sea, and commands the
whole of the bay, as well as the passage into the westward of the Roman
Rocks.
“The round tower is close at the back of, and indeed may be considered
as appertaining to the Block-house. It has one twenty-four-pounder
mounted on a traversing carriage, and contains very good barracks for
fifty or sixty soldiers. The other, called the North Battery, is,
as its name bespeaks, on the north side of the bay. It stands on a
small rocky point between two sandy bays, on an elevation of twenty
or twenty-five feet above the level of the sea, and is mounted with
three long eighteen-pounders and two ten-inch mortars. Neither of
these works could make much resistance if regularly attacked by sea or
land, and are all completely commanded by higher ground in their rear
within half cannon-shot. There is besides these another battery called
Tucker’s, about half a mile to the southward of the Block-house, but
not in sight from the anchorage; on it are three eighteen-pounders. It
was constructed in consequence of a French frigate running into the bay
(not knowing it to be in the possession of the English) and getting
aground somewhere near that spot. It is however so placed as to be of
no use as a defence to the bay, for a ship, or squadron, coming in with
hostile intentions need not, except from choice, pass within reach of
its guns, and as a military post it is confessedly untenable, being
completely commanded by higher ground behind it.
“The only regular landing-place is at the wharf which runs out about
fifty yards into the sea, and is very convenient, having always
sufficient water to allow of the largest boats when loaded to lie
alongside it without taking the ground. In moderate weather, boats
may, if required to do so, land in almost any part of the bay, and it
is, except where the rocks show themselves, a beach of very fine sand.
There is very little trade here, it having been chiefly used whilst in
the possession of the Dutch as a kind of half-way house for their ships
on their passage both to and from India and China.
“The produce of those countries may however be generally procured, and
on reasonable terms, as duties on importation are so moderate that the
officers of the East India ships frequently find it worth their while
to dispose of their private investments here, rather than carry them
to England. There has been a whale fishery lately established by a few
individuals in a bay about four miles to the north-east, called Calp’s
or Calk’s Bay, which appears to be doing very well, but I imagine
could not be very much extended. There is no ship or vessel whatever
belonging to the place, and only a few small boats used for the
purposes of fishing.
“The arsenal or naval yard is a compact row of storehouses under
one roof, and enclosed with a wall and gates, well situated for its
purpose, fronting a sandy beach and adjoining the wharf. It contains
all the necessary buildings and accommodations as a depot of naval and
victualling stores on a small scale, adequate however to the probable
wants of any squadron which is ever likely to be stationed there.
“The inhabitants are a mongrel breed, a mixture of many nations, but
principally descended from the first Dutch settlers whose language
(probably a good deal corrupted both in ideas and pronunciation) is
in general use. The Government is now English, but the civil, as well
as the criminal jurisprudence is regulated by the colonial laws, as
originally established by the Dutch East India Company, somewhat
modified and ameliorated by the milder influence of English law. The
prevailing religion is Calvinistic, but there are many Lutherans, and
some of various sects.”
The contrast between the Cape in 1807 and the Cape in 1905 is so strong
that it needs no emphasising.
After calling at Ascension Island and St. Helena, the _St. Albans_
returned to England. The progress of contemporary history may be noted
by the news which they received on their way back, which was duly
logged:
“By this ship informed of capture of Copenhagen and the cession of the
Danish fleet to the English forces under Lord Cathcart and Admiral
Gambier.” By January 1 they were back at Spithead, where they remained
till the beginning of February, sailing thence, as was so often the
custom, under sealed orders. On opening the sealed packet Captain
Austen found that he was directed to accompany the convoy to St. Helena.
The following account of the island is interesting when it is
remembered that at that time it was an unimportant spot, not yet
associated with memories of Napoleon. The note opens with a colossal
sentence!
“This island being in the hands of the English East India Company,
and used by it merely as a rendezvous for its homeward-bound fleets,
where during time of war they are usually met at stated periods by some
King’s ship appointed to take them to England, has no trade but such
as arises from the sale of those few articles of produce, consisting
chiefly in poultry, fruit, and vegetables, which are beyond the
consumption of its inhabitants, and a petty traffic carried on by a few
shopkeepers, who purchase such articles of India and China goods, as
individuals in the Company’s ships may have to dispose of, which they
retail to the inhabitants and casual visitors at the island.
“The inhabitants are chiefly English, or of English descent, although
there is a considerable number of negroes on the island, which with
very few exceptions are the property of individuals or of the Company,
slavery being tolerated here. It does not however appear that the
slaves are or can be treated with that harshness and despotism which
has been so justly attributed to the conduct of the land-holders or
their managers in the West India Islands, the laws of the Colony
not giving any other power to the master than a right to the labour
of his slave. He must, to enforce that right, in case a slave prove
refractory, apply to the civil power, he having no right to inflict
chastisement at his own discretion. This is a wholesome regulation
as far as it goes, but slavery however it may be modified is still
slavery, and it is much to be regretted that any trace of it should be
found to exist in countries dependent on England, or colonised by her
subjects. Every person who is above the rank of a common soldier is in
some shape or other a trader. A few acres of ground laid out in meadow,
or garden ground, will seldom fail to yield as much produce in the
year as would purchase the fee-simple of an equal quantity in England,
and this from the extravagant price which the wants of the homeward
bound India ships (whose captains and passengers rolling in wealth, and
accustomed to profusion, must have supplies cost what they may) enable
the islanders to affix to every article they raise. To such an extent
had this cause operated, that a couple of acres of potatoes, or a
garden of cabbages in a favourable season will provide a decent fortune
for a daughter.”
The voyage home was uneventful, retarded by masses of floating gulf
weed, which continued very thick indeed for over a week.
By the 30th of June the _St. Albans_ was back again in the Downs.
The little stir consequent in the family life is indicated in Jane’s
letters, written when she was away from home at Godmersham. “One begins
really to expect the _St. Albans_ now, and I wish she may come before
Henry goes to Cheltenham, it will be so much more convenient to him.
He will be very glad if Frank can come to him in London, as his own
time is likely to be very precious, but does not depend on it. I shall
not forget Charles next week.” A few days later she writes: “I am much
obliged to you for writing to me on Thursday, and very glad that I owe
the pleasure of hearing from you again so soon to such an agreeable
cause; but you will not be surprised, nor perhaps so angry as I should
be, to find that Frank’s history had reached me before in a letter
from Henry. We are all very happy to hear of his health and safety, he
wants nothing but a good prize to be a perfect character. This scheme
to the island is an admirable thing for his wife, she will not feel the
delay of his return in such variety.” On the 30th: “I give you all joy
of Frank’s return, which happens in the true sailor way, just after our
being told not to expect him for some weeks. The wind had been very
much against him, but I suppose he must be in our neighbourhood now by
this time. Fanny is in hourly expectation of him here. Mary’s visit in
the island is probably shortened by this event. Make our kind love and
congratulations to her.”
While on these last voyages Captain Austen made two charts, one of
Simon’s Bay, and one of the north-west side of the island of St.
Helena, which are still in use at the Admiralty. An interesting point
in the correspondence of the Captain of the _St. Albans_ at this time
relates to the conduct of the masters of the various vessels belonging
to the convoy. They are very warmly commended for their skill and
attention, while some few from the “cheerfulness and alacrity with
which they repeatedly towed for many successive days some heavy
sailing ships of the convoy, a service always disagreeable, and often
dangerous,” are specially recommended to the notice of the East India
Company. No doubt such praise from captains of the men-of-war engaged
in convoying, was a useful means of advancement in the service of the
Company, and one which would be earnestly desired. It is an instance
of the justice and appreciativeness which was a characteristic of
Francis Austen that the master of the very ship which most retarded
the progress of the convoy comes in for his share of praise, perhaps
even warmer than that given to the more successful officers. “I cannot
conclude without observing that the indefatigable attention of Captain
Hay of the _Retreat_, in availing himself of every opportunity to get
ahead, and his uncommon exertions in carrying a great press of sail
both night and day, which the wretched sailing of his ship, when not in
tow, rendered necessary, was highly meritorious, and I think it my duty
to recommend him to the notice of the Court of Directors as an officer
deserving a better command.”
One incident of interest occurred on the return voyage, which can
perhaps be better dealt with in another chapter.
CHAPTER XIII
STARS AND STRIPES
On June 20, 1808, on the _St. Albans’_ passage towards England, there
is an entry in the log: “Exchanged numbers with the _Raven_ brig. The
brig is from off Lisbon. The French have taken possession of Spain.
The Spanish Royal Family are prisoners in France. It is not certainly
known where the Rochefort squadron is gone, but supposed into the
Mediterranean.”
This was the beginning of the Peninsular War, in its results
disastrous to Napoleon. Napoleon’s calm supposition that he could
turn out the King of Spain and put in Joseph Bonaparte at his own
pleasure, was formed without reference to the feelings of the people
of Spain and Portugal; and futile as their objections might have
been if unsupported, their appeal to England was far-reaching in its
consequences. Not only was the seat of war transferred to a country
which, with its long sea-coast, was favourable to British arms, but the
actual naval gain was very great. Such ships of the French Navy as had
escaped from Trafalgar were still lying in Cadiz, and had now no course
open to them but surrender, while the Spanish and Portuguese fleets, on
which Napoleon counted, were of course entirely hostile to him.
The feeling in England over this war was very strong. Added to the
hatred of Napoleon, which would have made almost any of his actions
abhorrent, there was a real impulse of generous anger at the oppression
shown in pretending to buy the nation from its wretched King, in order
to establish a purely arbitrary dominion. At the same time it was a
grave question whether Napoleon, with his many legions, was to be
resisted successfully.
As yet, however, Napoleon had not entered Spain, and Junot was in
command of the French army in the West of the Peninsula.
Sir Arthur Wellesley was first appointed to command the British
expedition, but England does not always know her best men, and almost
at once Sir Harry Burrard was despatched to take over the work. The
battle of Vimiera was the first serious encounter, and, but for the
hesitation of Burrard to follow up his advantage, might have been
decisive.
Sir Hew Dalrymple next day arrived from England to supersede Burrard,
and after some vacillation, not unnatural under the circumstances,
between the policy of Wellesley and that of Burrard, he prepared
to push on, and was met by French proposals of a Convention. The
Convention of Cintra secured that the French should evacuate Portugal,
leaving for France on board British ships, and as they were determined
to take everything with them that they could lay their hands on, this
was not a bad arrangement for the French. Such, at least, was the
opinion in England, and a court of inquiry soon came to the conclusion
that it would have been better to leave the entire matter in the hands
of Wellesley, who was first on the scene, and had consequently other
qualifications for accurate judgment besides those which his genius
gave him.
Napoleon, however, saw very clearly how much harm the battle of Vimiera
had done him, and came himself to Spain, enraged at Junot’s defeat.
The campaign of Sir John Moore, ending at Corunna, is too well known
for any description to be necessary. The fact that Napoleon could not
have everything his own way was established, and the struggle in the
Peninsula went on, until it closed five years later with the capture of
San Sebastian.
Some extracts from the log of the _St. Albans_ and two letters, tell
us of the small share which Francis Austen had in this business. “_St.
Albans_, in the English Channel, July 22nd, 1808. Received on board
Brigadier-General Anstruther with his staff and suite. Weighed and made
sail, twenty-three sail of transports in company.
“_July 23._--At a quarter past nine hove to and called the masters of
the transports on board by signal. Issued to them a sealed rendezvous.”
The transports were bad sailors, so it was not until August 5 that they
got away from the English Channel on the passage towards Portugal. On
the 12th, off Corunna, news was received from the _Defiance_, which
caused a deviation in the route in order to bring Anstruther into touch
with Wellesley, who was then near Figuero, just before the battle of
Vimiera.
“_August 16._--Saw a number of ships at anchor in Figuero Roads. At two
o’clock Captain Malcolm came on board, and brought instructions for the
General as to the disposition of the troops.
“_August 17._--Sent a boat with despatches for Sir Arthur Wellesley on
board the transport sent from Figuero (for this purpose).
“_August 19._--At anchor off the Burlings. Light airs and cloudy
weather. At three o’clock a Portuguese boat came alongside with a
messenger having despatches for Brigadier-General Anstruther from
Sir Arthur Wellesley. At daylight a very thick fog. At eleven the
fog cleared away, weighed and made sail to the southward. At three,
anchored off Panago in company, hoisted out all the boats and sent
them to disembark the troops. At six, the General and his staff quitted
the ship. Light airs and fine weather. All the boats of the fleet
employed landing the troops.”
The landing went on all night, and was finished next morning.
_On Sunday, the 21st_: “Observed an action between the English and
French armies on the heights over Merceira.” This was the battle of
Vimiera, where Kellerman and Berthier vainly endeavoured to dislodge
the British from the crest of the hills.
_August 22._--“Sent all the boats on shore to assist in taking off
the wounded of our army to the hospital ships. Boats also employed
embarking French prisoners on board some of the transports.”
_August 24._--“On the passage towards Oporto.” Thence they went back to
England, where on September 2 the French prisoners were discharged at
Spithead to the prison ships in the harbour.
[Illustration: PORTCHESTER CASTLE
(_The French prisoners were interned in the neighbouring buildings
after the Battle of Vimiera._)]
Two letters written to the Honble. W. Wellesley Pole, brother of Sir
Arthur Wellesley, give this story in a different form.
“_St. Albans_ OFF THE BURLINGS, _August 18, 1808_.
“SIR,--I have to state to you for the information of my
Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that in consequence
of intelligence respecting the British Army in Portugal,
communicated by Captain Hotham, of his Majesty’s ship
_Defiance_, on the 12th inst. off Corunna, Brigadier-General
Anstruther commanding the troops embarked on board the
transports under my convoy, requested us not to pass Figuera
without affording him an opportunity of obtaining some further
intelligence relative to the situation of Lieutenant-General
Sir Arthur Wellesley; with this, from existing circumstances,
I thought it my duty to comply, although contrary to the
strict letter of my orders, and accordingly when round Cape
Finisterre, steered for Cape Mondego, off which I arrived at
noon on the 16th. The Brigadier-General receiving there orders
to proceed along the coast to the southward and join the convoy
under his Majesty’s ship _Alfred_, whose captain would give
him further information respecting the position and operations
of the army by which he was to guide his own, I proceeded in
consequence thereof with the fleet, and yesterday at 1 P.M.
joined the _Alfred_ off Phenice.
“At four o’clock, in compliance with the Brigadier-General’s
wish, I anchored with the transports under the Burlings,
to prevent their dispersion, and to await the arrival of
directions from the Lieutenant-General, to whom an aide-de-camp
was yesterday despatched to announce our arrival, force, and
position.
“One of my convoy, having a detachment of the 2nd battalion of
the 52nd Regiment on board, parted company on the night of the
12th instant, and has, I suppose, in compliance with the secret
rendezvous I issued on the 23rd of July, proceeded off the
Tagus.
“I have the honour to be, Sir,
“Your obedient humble servant,
“FRANCIS WILLIAM AUSTEN.”
From the same to the same.
“_St. Albans_, SPITHEAD, _September 2, 1808_.
“SIR,--In my letter to you of the 18th ultimate from off the
Burlings forwarded by the _Kangaroo_, I had the honour to
announce for the information of my Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty, the arrival of his Majesty’s ship _St. Albans_, and
the transports under my charge at that anchorage. I have now to
state to you, for their Lordships’ further information, that
the following morning the fleet moved on to the southward,
and anchored at 3 P.M. off Paymago, where dispositions were
immediately made for disembarking the troops, which was
effected in the course of the night. On the 20th, I proceeded
with the empty transports, agreeably to the directions I
received from Captain Blight, to join the _Alfred_ off
Merceira, about six miles more to the southward, and anchoring
there at noon of the 21st, remaining until the 24th, my boats
being all that time employed in landing provisions and stores
for the army, and embarking a number of French prisoners and
wounded British soldiers on board such of the transports as had
been appropriated for their reception.
“On the 24th at noon, in obedience to directions contained in a
letter I received the evening before from Admiral Sir Charles
Cotton, I put to sea with twenty-nine transports under my
convoy, and proceeded with them off Oporto, where I anchored
on the evening of the 27th, and remained for twenty-four hours
until I had seen all safe over the bar. I then weighed, and,
making the best of my way to England, anchored at Spithead at 8
A.M. this day.”
The _St. Albans_ remained in British waters until March in the
following year, for the greater part of the time at Spithead, where, in
January 1809, Captain Austen took charge of the disembarkation of the
remains of Sir John Moore’s army on their arrival from Corunna.
Two of the very few references to public matters which occur in Jane
Austen’s letters are made concerning Sir John Moore and his army.
“_December 27, 1808_.--The _St. Albans_ perhaps may soon be off to
help bring home what may remain by this time of our poor army, whose
state seems dreadfully critical.” “I am sorry to find that Sir J.
Moore has a mother living, but, though a very heroic son, he might not
be a very necessary one to her happiness. Deacon Morrel may be more
to Mrs. Morrel. I wish Sir John had united something of the Christian
with the hero in his death. Thank heaven, we have no one to care for
particularly among the troops, no one, in fact, nearer to us than Sir
John himself. Colonel Maitland is safe and well; his mother and sisters
were of course anxious about him, but there is no entering much into
the solicitudes of that family.”
It was in November of 1808 that Mrs. Edward Austen, the ‘Elizabeth’ of
the letters, died. Great grief was evidently felt by all her husband’s
family. Jane’s letters at the time are full of love and sympathy.
Cassandra was staying with her brother, and Frank got a few days’ extra
leave in order to go there, about a month after the death.
Jane writes to tell his plans.
“_November 21._
“Your letter, my dear Cassandra, obliges me to write
immediately, that you may have the earliest notice of Frank’s
intending, if possible, to go to Godmersham exactly at the time
now fixed for your visit to Goodnestone. He resolved almost
directly on the receipt of your former letter to try for an
extension of his leave of absence, that he might be able to
go down to you for two days, but charged me not to give you
any notice of it, on account of the uncertainty of success.
Now, however, I must give it, and now perhaps he may be giving
it himself; for I am just in the hateful predicament of being
obliged to write what I know will somehow or other be of no
use. He meant to ask for five days more, and if they were
granted to go down by Thursday’s night mail, and spend Friday
and Saturday with you; and he considered his chance of success
by no means bad. I hope it will take place as he planned, and
that your arrangements with Goodnestone may admit of suitable
alteration.”
During Francis Austen’s commands of the _Leopard_, _Canopus_, and _St.
Albans_, covering the eventful years of the Boulogne blockade, and of
Trafalgar, and up to 1810, Charles Austen was serving on the North
American station in command of the _Indian_ sloop. The work to be done
on the coast of the United States was both arduous and thankless.
It consisted mainly in the enforcement of the right of search for
deserters, and the curtailment of the American carrying trade, so far
as it was considered illicit.
British war policy had made it necessary to forbid trading by neutrals
between European countries under the sway of Napoleon, and their
dependencies in other parts of the world. American ingenuity succeeded
in evading this prohibition by arranging for the discharge and
reshipment of cargoes at some United States port, en route. The ship
would load originally at a West Indian port with goods for Europe, then
sail to a harbour in Massachusetts (for example), where the cargo was
warehoused, and the vessel repaired. When ready for sea, the captain
got the same cargo on board again, and departed for the designated
market on this side of the Atlantic. No wonder that American vessels
were so frequently spoken by the _Canopus_ and the _St. Albans_, for
in 1806 and the following years nearly all the carrying trade was done
under the Stars and Stripes. American shipmasters were able to pay
very high wages, and desertions from British men-of-war were frequent.
Our cruisers had to take strong measures in face of this growing
evil, and finally an American frigate was boarded, and several of the
crew forcibly removed as deserters. Such action was possible only on
account of the great strength of the British naval force, a practical
blockade of the United States ports being enforced along the whole
Atlantic seaboard. This had been done in consequence of decisions of
the Admiralty Court against some of the reshipments, which were held by
the Judges to be evasions of the actual blockades of hostile ports.
The state of tension gradually became acute, but both Governments were
so loth to fight that negotiations were on foot for several years
before the President of the United States declared war in 1812. In 1809
a settlement seemed to have been reached, and a fleet of six hundred
American traders had already got to sea, when it was discovered that
the treaty could not be ratified. It was indeed almost impossible for
England to alter her policy as regards neutral traders, or to abandon
the right of search for deserters, so long as every resource was
necessary in the struggle against Napoleon.
Captain Mahan, writing on the “Continental System,” puts the matter in
a nutshell when he says: “The neutral carrier, pocketing his pride,
offered his services to either (combatant) for pay, and the other then
regarded him as taking part in the hostilities.”
In 1808 the _Indian_, Charles Austen’s ship, captured _La Jeune
Estelle_, a small privateer, but the work on the North American station
was unprofitable as regards prize-money. In 1810 Charles gained post
rank as captain of the _Swiftsure_, flagship to Sir John Warren. The
great event of these years for him was his marriage in 1807 with Fanny
Palmer, daughter of the Attorney-General of Bermuda.
In Jane’s letters there are constant mentions of him.
“_December 27._--I must write to Charles next week. You may guess in
what extravagant terms of praise Earle Harwood speaks of him. He is
looked up to by everybody in all America.”
“_January 10._--Charles’s rug will be finished to-day, and sent
to-morrow to Frank, to be consigned by him to Mr. Turner’s care; and I
am going to send ‘Marmion’ out with it--very generous in me, I think.”
“Marmion” was then just published. She was a great admirer of Scott,
and doubtless felt the parting from his latest work, even when making a
present of it to Charles. In another of her letters she writes:
“Walter Scott has no business to write novels, especially good ones. It
is not fair. He has fame and profits enough as a poet, and ought not to
be taking the bread out of other people’s mouths. I do not mean to like
‘Waverley’ if I can help it, but I fear I must.”
We hear one more small piece of news concerning Charles in a letter
of Jane’s dated January 24, 1809: “I had the happiness yesterday of a
letter from Charles, but I shall say as little about it as possible,
because I know that excruciating Henry will have a letter likewise, to
make all my intelligence valueless. It was written at Bermuda on the
7th and 10th of December. All were well. He had taken a small prize in
his late cruise--a French schooner laden with sugar; but bad weather
parted them, and she had not yet been heard of. His cruise ended
December 1st. My September letter was the latest he had received.”
We have the sequel to this incident in a letter from Charles to
Cassandra, dated from Bermuda on December 24, in which he says:
“I wrote to Jane about a fortnight ago acquainting her with
my arrival at this place and of my having captured a little
Frenchman, which, I am truly sorry to add, has never reached
this port, and, unless she has run to the West Indies, I have
lost her--and, what is a real misfortune, the lives of twelve
of my people, two of them mids. I confess I have but little
hopes of ever hearing of her again. The weather has been so
very severe since we captured her. I wish you a merry and
happy Xmas, in which Fan joins me, as well as in bespeaking
the love of her dear Grandmother and Aunts for our little
Cassandra. The October and November mails have not yet reached
us, so that I know nothing of you of late. I hope you have been
more fortunate in hearing of me. I expect to sail on Tuesday
with a small convoy for the island of St. Domingo, and, after
seeing them in safety, open sealed orders, which I conclude
will direct me to cruise as long as my provisions, &c., will
allow, which is generally a couple of months. My companion,
the _Vesta_, is to be with me again, which I like very much. I
don’t know of any opportunity of sending this, but shall leave
it to take its chance. Tom Fowler is very well, and is growing
quite manly. I am interrupted, so conclude this by assuring you
how truly I am
“Your affectionate friend
and attached brother,
“CHARLES JNO. AUSTEN.”
Charles stayed only five months in the _Swiftsure_. In September
1810 he took command of the _Cleopatra_, and brought her home in the
following April, after an absence of six and a half years.
[Illustration: CAPTAIN CHARLES AUSTEN]
Jane’s letters show how gladly the news of “our own particular little
brother’s” home-coming was welcomed. In an account of an evening party
given at the Henry Austens’, she tells how she heard that Charles
was soon to return. “At half-past seven arrived the musicians in two
hackney coaches, and by eight the lordly company began to appear. Among
the earliest were George and Mary Cooke, and I spent the greatest part
of the evening very pleasantly with them. The drawing-room being soon
hotter than we liked, we placed ourselves in the connecting passage,
which was comparatively cool, and gave us all the advantage of the
music at a pleasant distance, as well as that of the first view of
every new comer. I was quite surrounded by acquaintances, especially
gentlemen; and what with Mr. Hampson, Mr. Seymour, Mr. W. Knatchbull,
Mr. Guillemarde, Mr. Cure, a Captain Simpson, brother to _the_ Captain
Simpson, besides Mr. Walter, and Mr. Egerton, in addition to the
Cookes, and Miss Beckford, and Miss Middleton, I had quite as much
upon my hands as I could do. This said Captain Simpson told us, on the
authority of some other captain just arrived from Halifax, that Charles
was bringing the _Cleopatra_ home, and that she was by this time
probably in the Channel; but as Captain S. was certainly in liquor we
must not depend on it. It must give one a sort of expectation, however,
and will prevent my writing to him any more. I would rather he should
not reach England till I am at home, and the Steventon party gone.”
A curious time and place to receive such news, and a still more curious
informant according to the ideas of these days, when men do not appear
at an evening party “in liquor.”
In November 1811 Charles was appointed to the _Namur_, as Flag Captain
to his old friend, Sir Thomas Williams, who was now Commander-in-Chief
at the Nore.
CHAPTER XIV
CHINESE MANDARINS
In April 1809 the _St. Albans_ was again at sea, this time on a voyage
to China convoying East Indiamen.
The first place which Captain Austen describes on this voyage is Port
Cornwallis, Prince of Wales Island, or Penang. He writes: “This harbour
is formed by Prince of Wales Island (better known by the native name
of Pulo Penang, signifying in the Malay language ‘Betel-nut Island’)
and the opposite coast of the Malay Peninsula, from which at the
nearest part it is distant about two miles. The approach to it is from
the northward, and is neither difficult nor dangerous.” After further
remarks on the best way of sailing in and anchoring, the notes deal
with the more generally interesting facts about the island. It must be
remembered that at this time the Malays were giving constant trouble
to British ships, by small but very ferocious attacks. “Wood is in the
greatest abundance, the whole coast of the Malay Peninsula in the
vicinity of this harbour being a forest, in which any quantity may be
had for the trouble of cutting. Ships of war do not, however, usually
procure it in that way, from the danger of introducing sickness amongst
their crews by the exposure to the sun, which would be unavoidable.
It may be purchased on the island at a reasonable price. Water is
plentiful, and it has been generally considered of an excellent
quality, and to keep well at sea.
“Buffalo beef may be procured here in any quantity. The meat is
generally very coarse, lean, and ill-flavoured. Sheep are rarely to
be procured, and never but at a very high price. It should seem to be
an animal which the Malays have not got, as all those on the island
are imported from Bengal, at a great expense, by individuals for their
consumption. Fish is neither plentiful nor particularly good in kind;
fruit and vegetables are abundant and excellent. They are of those
species usually met with in tropical climates, with some peculiar to
the eastern parts of India.
“The fortifications are by no means considerable, consisting in a
square fort, situated on the extremity of the point which separates
the outer from the inner harbour. It is probably quite sufficient to
intimidate the Malays, or repel any attack they could make were they so
disposed, but I should think it would be far from difficult for two
or three ships of war to destroy it in a short time. The whole of the
works are in a very dilapidated state. It is obviously incapable of
affording any protection to the greater part of the town, as an enemy
might land to the northward and destroy most of the buildings, or lay
the inhabitants under contribution, without being exposed to a single
gun from the fort. To the shipping in the harbour, indeed, it could
give some protection, and that probably was the principal consideration
in selecting the spot which it occupies. There was formerly a work
called (from its shape, I presume) the Frying-pan Battery, but it
is now in a state of ruin, a great part of it having fallen in. The
sea appears to be gradually washing away the soil from under its
foundations.
“The military force usually kept on the island consists in a battalion
of Sepoys about 600 strong, and a company of European artillery. I did
not understand that there was any militia or means of increasing the
effective force in case of an attack or other emergency. The public
wharf is built of wood, is of considerable breadth, and, being roofed
over for its whole length, seems well adapted for sheltering goods of
all sorts, in landing or shipping off, from the effects of the weather,
and especially from the sun, which is generally very powerful there.
The sides being open admit a free draught and circulation of air, so
that it is perhaps, during the middle of the day, the coolest place in
the town, and as such is resorted to by the Europeans, who make it a
kind of Mall or lounging-place.
“Shortly after this island was settled by the English, the trade
became considerable, and bid fair to increase, as it was found a very
convenient situation for ships to touch at on their voyage between
India and China, or any of the islands in the Eastern seas, having many
local advantages over Malacca, which had previously been used for that
purpose.
“It was also considered favourable for the cultivation of pepper, large
plantations of which were made and throve exceedingly. In consequence
of the war, however, which has so long desolated Europe, and in its
progress gradually shut nearly every port on that continent against
British ships and trade, the market for pepper grown here has been
much straitened, and is now chiefly confined to China. The pepper
plantations having in consequence thereof been found very unprofitable
concerns, and in many instances I believe heavy losses, are now much
reduced in number and extent; nor, so far as I could learn, has any
other species of cultivation been introduced to occupy the soil and
give employment to the labour and capital which have been so diverted.
“Many spots, which had been cleared and produced crops, are now
neglected, and, as the progress of vegetation here is exceedingly rapid
and luxuriant, are verging fast to their original wild, forest-like
state.
“Within the last two or three years attempts have been made by a few
gentlemen to introduce the culture of the nutmeg, clove and cinnamon;
several plants have been procured which are in a thriving state, and it
is generally thought that the soil and situation will suit them; but no
return can possibly be obtained for the first five or six years, which
must effectually prevent any but persons of large capitals embarking in
such a concern.
“Many parts of the island would do very well for the growth of rice,
but it has been the policy of the Government to discourage that species
of husbandry as much as possible, from an idea that it would render the
settlement unhealthy; and as that grain can always be procured in any
quantity, and at a very cheap rate, from the Malay coast, the measure
of obstructing its cultivation on the island seems to have been a
prudent one.
“Timber fit for naval purposes may be procured at several places in the
neighbourhood, particularly Pegu and Rangoon on the coast of Aracan,
and Siacca on the north-east coast of Sumatra. There are several
species of it, most, if not all, of which are considered very durable,
particularly the teak. Poon and other spars fit for masts and yards
may also be had from many parts of the Malay coast at very moderate
prices, some of which are of a sufficient size to make a main-mast for
a seventy-four-gun ship of a single tree. The wood is considerably
heavier than fir, but being also much stronger, masts and yards made
of it will admit of being reduced in diameter, and nearly, if not
quite, equal to the difference in weight. Ships of considerable burden
have at different times been built here; the last and largest was a
thirty-six-gun frigate built at the expense of the East India Company,
and launched in August 1809.
“It was in contemplation a few years back to construct docks here, and
the little island of Jerajah was pointed out as a proper situation.
“Gates for the docks were sent out from England, and a steam-engine for
working pumps, as the fall of water would not be sufficient to empty
the docks; but nothing has yet been done, and the idea seems to have
been given up.
“Having the means of docking ships here would on many occasions be
productive of very great convenience as well to the public service
as to private individuals. For want thereof any ship requiring to be
docked must now go to Bengal, or, if a large one, to Bombay, at a great
loss of time and increased expense, especially if trading to China or
into the Eastern Seas, in which case it certainly would occasion the
loss of the season altogether.
“The population of the island is said to be about 50,000 souls, but
I should think it considerably over-rated at that statement. It is
composed of various nations, Malays, Chinese, Cochin-Chinese, Siamese,
Birmans, Bengalees, Malabars, Chulians, and most of the nations and
castes of India, with a few Europeans, which last fill situations
under the Government, or are engaged in mercantile concerns. The
languages are as various as the nations, few of them speaking any other
than that of their own country. It is a singular fact that more than
thirty, totally distinct from each other, are spoken in the Bazar.
The Government, appointed by the East India Directors, is entirely
independent of the Presidencies. The present Governor is a military
man, having the local rank on the islands of Colonel in the Company’s
army, and is Commander-in-Chief of all the troops there.
“As the civil code is in many instances suited to the peculiar customs
and usages of the different nations composing the population, who are
in general fond of litigation, the office of Chief Judge is a very
arduous and fatiguing one.”
The _St. Albans_ was sent on to China with the convoy of East Indiamen,
and anchored in the river of Canton. Various matters kept them here
for more than five months, from September 18, 1809, till March 2, 1810.
The river of Canton had for many years been infested with pirates,
called Ladrones, who robbed and murdered, devastated the country,
attacked villages, and were even a danger to the town of Canton itself.
In order to hold them in some measure in check, the Chinese Government
had engaged an English vessel called the _Mercury_ to act against them;
and immediately on the arrival of the _St. Albans_, Francis Austen
was asked if he would consider it consistent with his duty to give
any further help. He replied that, considering the friendly relations
between Britain and China, he should feel himself quite at liberty to
give what help he could. He stipulated however that he should receive
a written application from the Viceroy of Canton, and also that the
restrictions which the Chinese Government had imposed on the British
ships of war to prohibit them from passing the Bocca Tigris should be
removed, and every part of the river made free to them. He pointed out
that the Chinese Mandarin (or war) boats would be suitable for the
purpose of attacking the Ladrones if overhauled, fitted with European
artillery and manned by Europeans, and also that the British ships were
of no manner of use in the river, as they were all much too large, and
moreover all but the _St. Albans_ would soon be on their passage home.
He also expressed a readiness to wait on the Viceroy in order to talk
the matter over.
The appointment was made to meet at the Hoppo’s house at two o’clock
on November 2; and here Captain Austen presented himself, but “after
waiting nearly half an hour in a close dirty kind of lobby, exposed
to the stare of every blackguard who could squeeze himself into the
passage leading to it, and having our noses assailed by a combination
of villanous smells, I was informed that the Viceroy had gone away,
but that the Hoppo would come and speak to me.” This Captain Austen
absolutely declined, and retired, leaving word that if the Viceroy
wished hereafter to see him, “he would at any time have it in his power
to do so by coming to the British factory.” He adds: “It is not easy
to account for the Viceroy’s behaviour, but I am inclined to set it
down to the score of imbecility, and a struggle between pride and the
conviction of his own inability to arrest the progress of the pirates,
in which the former has obtained the victory.” His dealings with the
Viceroy were, however, by no means at an end. About a month afterwards
it was necessary to make a serious complaint to the Chinese Government.
Some officers of the _St. Albans_ had gone ashore for shooting. One
of them was attacked by a buffalo, and was only rescued from being
gored to death by his friends, who shot the animal. Numerous Chinamen
immediately gathered round full of indignation at the slaughter of the
brute, and, in spite of the protestations of the Englishmen, and their
assertions that they would make full restitution, they were attacked
in a most violent manner, and only got away by buying their liberty.
Evidently the “very friendly feelings” supposed to be existing between
the two governments were not so cordially shared by individuals.
After these two minor troubles, a very difficult matter came before
Francis Austen, and his skill and courtesy in dealing with it earned
him the unqualified thanks of the East India Company, besides some
more substantial recognition. Just when the _St. Albans_ and her
convoy were prepared to put to sea again, they were informed that the
“Chops” would not be granted to them, or the ships allowed to depart.
The reason given was that a Chinaman had been killed in the town, and,
it was stated, by an Englishman. This was a serious matter to deal
with, as the evidence was most difficult to collect--the Chinese were
thorough-paced liars--and every day of delay now made it more and more
likely that the convoy would encounter bad weather on the way home.
The Viceroy insisted that the English officers should themselves
discover the offender, while Captain Austen pointed out that they had
no means of knowing anything about the matter, even if the culprit were
one of their own men, and that the police of Canton were more likely
to be successful in discovering the offender. In a letter to Admiral
Drury, Commander-in-Chief in India, Francis Austen feelingly remarks:
“I need not detail to you, Sir, who are so well aware of them, the
difficulties that oppose and retard the discussion of any question
with the Chinese from various causes, but especially from the want
of efficient means of getting our sentiments properly and faithfully
rendered into Chinese, nor the pertinacity with which they adhere to
any opinion they have once assumed, or assertion once made, in defiance
of justice, equity and common sense. You know them all. But when I
reflect upon these obstacles, and the general character of the people,
I cannot help feeling in how very arduous a situation I am placed, and
what important consequences may result from my conduct.” The evidence
of the two witnesses was certainly not of a sort to make matters easy
for the Committee appointed to examine the question. “One states there
was neither noise nor fighting, the other that there was noise and
he saw fighting for ten minutes, although not being present at the
commencement of it he knew not how much longer it might have been
going on. Again one of them stated that he knew nothing of the business
and was not with the deceased when he was stabbed, and immediately
afterwards stated that he saw him stabbed, and was only four cubits
from him at the time. One of them states it to be quite dark, and the
other that it was moonlight.”
In spite of all this, when the insufficiency of the evidence was
pointed out to the Mandarins, they, “like true Chinese Mandarins (which
designation, perhaps, comprises every bad quality which has disgraced
human nature), insisted that, as we must now be clearly convinced that
the offender was an Englishman, we could no longer have any pretence
for withholding him from justice, and therefore would, of course, give
him up to be tried according to the laws of China. A Mandarin is not a
reasoning animal, nor ought to be treated as a rational one.”
The matter was finally settled by allowing the British ships to depart
on condition that there was an inquiry held during the voyage home, the
result of which was to be communicated from England to China on the
arrival of the _St. Albans_ and convoy. This seems a truly Chinese mode
of arrangement, but not wholly unsatisfactory, as it was discovered
that three of the men on the _Cumberland_ (one of the Indiamen) had
been engaged in the riot, and carrying arms at the time, so that there
was some presumptive evidence for their being the actual perpetrators
of the deed. The _St. Albans_ was back in England by July, with the
convoy, calling at St. Helena on the way.
His long service as midshipman must have made the navigation in
the China Seas tolerably familiar to Captain Austen. The points
mentioned in this part of the log have a peculiar interest at the
moment of writing this chapter (May 1905), when we have all been
watching the great drama of the Russian fleet’s approach to Japanese
waters, followed by their destruction, more complete than that of the
vanquished at Trafalgar. Cape Varella, Natuna and Saputa Islands, and
the Paracels, are all amongst the log records. Passing the latter group
seems to have been always an anxious time, as shoals are frequent
northward of Singapore, which town, by the way, had no apparent
existence in 1809.
There is a curious correspondence, partly by signal, on the passage
down the China Seas:
“_March 16, 1810._--At 1 P.M. telegraph signal to _Perseverance_ (one
of the tea-ships of the convoy): ‘Do you know anything of the shoal
called the Dogger Bank, and which side would you recommend passing it?’
“_Perseverance_ answers, ‘The shoal is doubtful. I should wish to pass
to the eastward of it.’
“At 3 o’clock the _Glatton_ (another of the tea-laden Indiamen) made
signal to speak with us. Shortened sail.
“At 4, Captain Halliburton informed me that the Dogger Bank is by no
means doubtful, having himself been in a ship which was aground on it.
They found it exceedingly irregular.”
The connection of the name with the “untoward incident” of October 1904
and the Russian fleet is a coincidence.
One of the outline sketches which occur in the logs is that of Krakatoa
Island, in the Straits of Sunda. This mountain was partially destroyed
in 1882 by the immense eruption of volcanic matter, which coloured the
sunsets all over the world many months afterwards.
Francis Austen was superseded in the _St. Albans_ in September 1810 by
his own wish. He naturally wanted a short time without employment to
spend with his wife, who had not had much of his society since their
marriage.
From December in the same year till May 1811 he was stationed off the
coast of France as Flag-Captain to Lord Gambier in the _Caledonia_.
After this there was another holiday of about two months, spent with
his wife and children in paying visits. Jane’s letters speak of their
being at Steventon, and of a projected visit to Chawton.
On July 18, 1811, he took command of the _Elephant_, and became again
concerned in the Napoleonic wars.
[Illustration: “CASSANDRA’S SKETCH OF JANE”]
CHAPTER XV
A LETTER FROM JANE
The time of Captain Austen’s service in the _Elephant_ is divided into
three periods. For over a year she was employed with Admiral Young’s
fleet in the North Sea, which was stationed there to watch Vice-Admiral
Missiessy, then at anchor at the mouth of the Scheldt, ready to slip
out if occasion offered. The ships under his command had been newly
built in Napoleon’s great dockyard of Flushing, which was rendered
ineffective by the constant British blockade. In the autumn of 1812 the
_Elephant_ was cruising off the Azores with the _Phœbe_ and _Hermes_.
The disputes concerning trade had by this time resulted in war with
the United States. On this cruise we have the record in the log of the
capture of an American privateer, the _Swordfish_.
“_December 27._--At two, saw a strange sail bearing W. by N. Made the
signal to the _Hermes_ with a gun. Made all sail in chace. At sunset,
chace distant two miles. The chace had all the appearance of an armed
vessel.
“28.--Fired several shots at the chace. At five minutes to two
perceived her hoist two lights and bring to. At two shortened sail,
hove to, boarded, and took possession of the chace, which proved to
be the American schooner privateer _Swordfish_, out sixteen days from
Boston, armed with twelve six-pounders and eighty-two men. During the
chace ten of her guns and several spars were thrown overboard.”
After her return to England with the prize and another turn at the
Flushing blockade, the _Elephant_ was ordered to the Baltic. They were
engaged in convoying vast numbers of small vessels through the Sound
and the Belt past the coasts of Denmark, which was still under the
power of France, and in keeping at a distance such armed craft of the
enemy as were dangerous. We find, in these short cruises to and fro,
as many as two hundred and fifty or three hundred sail in company,
under the charge of three or four men-of-war. An entry in the log on
October 10 will show the nature of the work: “A boat from the _Zealous_
came with letters for the Admiral, and to say that the galliott chaced
yesterday was one which had drifted out of the convoy the preceding
night, and was captured in the morning by a row-boat privateer off
Nascoi, which, on the _Zealous’_ approach, abandoned her and escaped
into Femerin. It appearing on examining the master of the galliott that
he never had belonged to the convoy, but had merely joined them off
Anholt and continued with them for security sake, without applying for
instructions, it was decided to consider the vessel as a recapture, and
to take her on to Carlskrona as such. She is called the _Neptunus_,
Daniel Sivery, master, belonging to Gottenberg, and bound from that
place to Stralsund with a cargo of rice, sugar, coffee, and indigo.”
The Island of Anholt, captured in 1809, was a possession of great
importance to the English when engaged in this work, on account of its
lighthouse, which could signal to the ships of the convoy and keep them
all in their places. Of this island Captain Austen had a few words to
say which show that its importance lay therein alone. After a lengthy
and minute description of the lighthouse and all which appertained to
it, he continues: “The garrison at present consists of about three men
of a veteran battalion, and a few marine artillery, which form by many
degrees the most considerable portion of the population, for, exclusive
of the military and their appendages of wives and children, there are
but sixteen families on the island, who all reside at the only village
on it, near the high ground to the westward, and whose principal
occupation is fishing, in which they are generally very successful
during the summer.
“Antecedent to the war between England and Denmark and the consequent
occupation of the island by the English, the Anholters paid a small
rent to the proprietor of the soil, who is a Danish nobleman residing
at Copenhagen; but at present they are considered and fed as prisoners
of war by the English. They are an exceedingly poor people, and seem to
enjoy but a small proportion of worldly comfort.”
The Island of Rugen, which was another anchoring station for the
_Elephant_, was the only portion of the conquests of Gustavus Adolphus
which still remained under the Swedish flag. The whole tract of country
which he conquered was called Swedish Pomerania, but the mainland
districts had lately been occupied by part of Napoleon’s army under
Marshal Brune.
Of Rugen, Captain Austen writes: “The British ships of war were not
supplied with fresh beef and vegetables whilst the _Elephant_ was
there, and I understood because (though they might have been procured)
the price was too great, which may probably be in a great degree owing
to the neighbouring part of Pomerania having been last year occupied by
the French troops, and having suffered much from the effects of war,
as well as having still large armies in its vicinity, which must of
course very materially affect the state of the markets for provisions
of all kinds.”
While the _Elephant_ was employed in this way in convoying small
vessels backwards and forwards, great events were going on all round.
The southern shores of the Baltic were included this year in the great
arena of the battles which preceded the downfall of Napoleon.
Napoleon’s day was now nearly over. The retreat, in 1812, from Moscow
had shaken his reputation, and Prussia no longer attempted to keep
up the disguise of friendly relations with France. The revolt of the
Prussian regiments of Napoleon’s army gave the signal for a national
organisation, and the whole country turned openly against France. The
garrisons left in the fortified towns, conquered seven years earlier,
were the only remnants of French dominion. Marshal Bernadotte, who had
fought for his Emperor at Grezlaw and Wagram, had lately been selected
to be Crown Prince of Sweden. His interests were now centred in Sweden,
and his great desire was to conquer Norway. That kingdom was ceded in
1814, in exchange for Rugen and the Pomeranian territories, and has
been, almost from that date, a source of increasing difficulty to the
Crown of Sweden. Bernadotte had asked help towards his project from
Napoleon, at the same time promising to give him reinforcements for
the Russian invasion. This offer was refused, and Bernadotte remained
neutral until he saw that matters were going against his former
sovereign. Now, in 1813, he declared himself an ally of the Russians
and Austrians, and brought across the Baltic into Swedish Pomerania a
contingent of 12,000 men, of whom a considerable number were convoyed
by English men-of-war.
In the log for May 28, 1813, we read: “Sailed the _Princess Caroline_
and several of the brigs, with a large fleet of transports, for the
Sound. The transports have 4900 Swedish troops on board, to be landed
in Swedish Pomerania.” These soldiers assisted in the defeat of Marshal
Oudinot, and were among the force which drove back Napoleon from
Leipzig in the next October, just at the same time that Wellington had
completed the liberation of Spain and was leading his army through the
passes of the Pyrenees.
It is scarcely remarkable that the signal asking for news should be so
frequently made from the _Elephant_ when such events were in progress.
A letter from Jane to her brother, written while all this was going
on, must have been truly refreshing, with its talk of hayfields, and
abundance of cheerful gossip about nothing in particular:
“CHAWTON, _July 3, 1813_.
“MY DEAREST FRANK,--Behold me going to write you as handsome a
letter as I can! Wish me good luck. We have had the pleasure of
hearing from you lately through Mary, who sent us some of the
particulars of yours of June 18 (I think), written off Rugen,
and we enter into the delight of your having so good a pilot.
Why are you like Queen Elizabeth? Because you know how to chuse
wise ministers. Does not this prove you as great a Captain as
she was a Queen? This may serve as a riddle for you to put
forth among your officers, by way of increasing your proper
consequence. It must be a real enjoyment to you, since you are
obliged to leave England, to be where you are, seeing something
of a new country and one which has been so distinguished as
Sweden. You must have great pleasure in it. I hope you may
have gone to Carlscroon. Your profession has its _douceurs_
to recompense for some of its privations; to an enquiring and
observing mind like yours such _douceurs_ must be considerable.
Gustavus Vasa, and Charles XII., and Cristina and Linneus. Do
their ghosts rise up before you? I have a great respect for
former Sweden, so zealous as it was for Protestantism. And I
have always fancied it more like England than other countries;
and, according to the map, many of the names have a strong
resemblance to the English. July begins unpleasantly with us,
cold and showery, but it is often a baddish month. We had some
fine dry weather preceding it, which was very acceptable to the
Holders of Hay, and the Masters of Meadows. In general it must
have been a good hay-making season. Edward has got in all his
in excellent order; I speak only of Chawton, but here he has
better luck than Mr. Middleton ever had in the five years that
he was tenant. Good encouragement for him to come again, and
I really hope he will do so another year. The pleasure to us
of having them here is so great that if we were not the best
creatures in the world we should not deserve it. We go on in
the most comfortable way, very frequently dining together, and
always meeting in some part of every day. Edward is very well,
and enjoys himself as thoroughly as any Hampshire-born Austen
can desire. Chawton is not thrown away upon him. He talks of
making a new garden; the present is a bad one and ill-situated,
near Mr. Papillon’s. He means to have the new at the top of
the lawn behind his own house. We like to have him proving and
strengthening his attachment to the place by making it better.
He will soon have all his children about him. Edward, George
and Charles are collected already, and another week brings
Henry and William. It is the custom at Winchester for Georges
to come away a fortnight before the holidays, when they are not
to return any more; for fear they should overstudy themselves
just at last, I suppose. Really it is a piece of dishonourable
accommodation to the Master. We are in hopes of another visit
from our true lawful Henry very soon; he is to be our guest
this time. He is quite well, I am happy to say, and does not
leave it to my pen, I am sure, to communicate to you the joyful
news of his being Deputy Receiver no longer. It is a promotion
which he thoroughly enjoys, as well he may; the work of his own
mind. He sends you all his own plans of course. The scheme for
Scotland we think an excellent one both for himself and his
nephew. Upon the whole his spirits are very much recovered. If
I may so express myself his mind is not a mind for affliction;
he is too busy, too active, too sanguine. Sincerely as he was
attached to poor Eliza moreover, and excellently as he behaved
to her, he was always so used to be away from her at times,
that her loss is not felt as that of many a beloved wife might
be, especially when all the circumstances of her long and
dreadful illness are taken into the account. He very long knew
that she must die, and it was indeed a release at last. Our
mourning for her is not over, or we should be putting it on
again for Mr. Thomas Leigh, who has just closed a good life at
the age of seventy-nine, and must have died the possessor of
one of the finest estates in England, and of more worthless
nephews and nieces than any other private man in the United
Kingdom. We are very anxious to know who will have the living
of Adlestrop, and where his excellent sister will find a home
for the remainder of her days. As yet she bears his loss with
fortitude, but she has always seemed so wrapped up in him that
I fear she must feel it dreadfully when the fever of business
is over. There is another female sufferer on the occasion
to be pitied. Poor Mrs. L. P. (Leigh Perrot) who would now
have been mistress of Stoneleigh had there been none of the
vile compromise, which in good truth has never been allowed
to be of much use to them. It will be a hard trial. Charles’
little girls were with us about a month, and had so endeared
themselves that we were quite sorry to have them go. They are
now all at South End together. Why do I mention that? As if
Charles did not write himself. I hate to be spending my time
so needlessly, encroaching too upon the rights of others. I
wonder whether you happened to see Mr. Blackall’s marriage in
the papers last January. We did. He was married at Clifton to
a Miss Lewis, whose father had been late of Antigua. I should
very much like to know what sort of a woman she is. He was a
piece of perfection--noisy perfection--himself, which I always
recollect with regard. We had noticed a few months before
his succeeding to a College living, the very living which we
recollected his talking of, and wishing for; an exceeding good
one, Great Cadbury in Somersetshire. I would wish Miss Lewis
to be of a silent turn and rather ignorant, but naturally
intelligent and wishing to learn, fond of cold veal pies, green
tea in the afternoon, and a green window blind at night.
“You will be glad to hear that every copy of S. and S. is
sold, and that it has brought me £140, besides the copyright,
if that should ever be of any value. I have now, therefore,
written myself into £250, which only makes me long for more.
I have something in hand which I hope the credit of P. and P.
will sell well, though not half so entertaining, and by the bye
shall you object to my mentioning the _Elephant_ in it, and two
or three other old ships? I _have_ done it, but it shall not
stay to make you angry. They are only just mentioned.
“_July 6._--I have kept open my letter on the chance of what
Tuesday’s post might furnish in addition, and it furnishes the
likelihood of our keeping our neighbours at the Great House
some weeks longer than we expected. Mr. Scudamore, to whom my
brother referred, is very decided as to Godmersham not being
fit to be inhabited at present. He talks even of two months
being necessary to sweeten it, but if we have warm weather I
daresay less will do. My brother will probably go down and
sniff at it himself, and receive his rents. The rent-day has
been postponed already.
“We shall be gainers by their stay, but the young people
in general are disappointed, and therefore could wish it
otherwise. Our cousins, Colonel Thomas Austen and Margaretta,
are going as aide-de-camps to Ireland; and Lord Whitworth goes
in their train as Lord-Lieutenant; good appointments for each.
I hope you continue well and brush your hair, but not all off.
“Yours very affectionately,
“J. A.”
The “something in hand” in this letter was “Mansfield Park.” The
mentions of ships occur in one of the scenes at Portsmouth, when
the whole of the Price family are full of the _Thrush_ going out of
harbour, and have no eyes or ears for Fanny, who has just come home
after an absence of seven or eight years. The scene is worth quoting
almost _in extenso_:
“Fanny was all agitation and flutter--all hope and apprehension. The
moment they stopped, a trollopy-looking maid-servant, seemingly
in waiting for them at the door, stepped forward, and, more intent
on telling the news than giving them any help, immediately began
with--‘The _Thrush_ is gone out of harbour, please, sir, and one of the
officers has been to----’ She was interrupted by a fine tall boy of
eleven years old, who, rushing out of the house, pushed the maid aside,
and while William was opening the chaise-door himself, called out,
‘You are just in time. We have been looking for you this half-hour.
The _Thrush_ went out of harbour this morning. I saw her. It was a
beautiful sight. And they think she will have her orders in a day or
two. And Mr. Campbell was here at four o’clock to ask for you; he has
got one of the _Thrush’s_ boats, and is going off to her at six, and
hoped you would be here in time to go with him.’
“A stare or two at Fanny, as William helped her out of the carriage,
was all the voluntary notice which this brother bestowed; but he made
no objection to her kissing him, though still engaged in detailing
farther particulars of the _Thrush’s_ going out of harbour, in which
he had a strong right of interest, being to commence his career of
seamanship in her at this very time.
“Another moment, and Fanny was in the passage and in her mother’s arms.
She was then taken into a small parlour. Her mother was gone again to
the street-door to welcome William. ‘Oh, my dear William, how glad I
am to see you! But have you heard about the _Thrush_? She is gone out
of harbour already, three days before we had any thought of it; and
I do not know what I am to do about Sam’s things; they will never be
ready in time; for she may have her orders to-morrow perhaps. It takes
me quite unawares. And now you must be off to Spithead, too. Campbell
has been here quite in a worry about you; and now what shall we do?
I thought to have had such a comfortable evening with you, and now
everything comes upon me at once.’
“Her son answered cheerfully, telling her that everything was always
for the best, and making light of his own inconvenience in being
obliged to hurry away so soon.
“‘To be sure, I had much rather she had stayed in harbour, that I
might have sat a few hours with you in comfort, but as there is a
boat ashore I had better go off at once, and there is no help for it.
Whereabouts does the _Thrush_ lie at Spithead? Near the _Canopus_? But,
no matter--here is Fanny in the parlour, and why should we stay in the
passage? Come, mother, you have hardly looked at your own dear Fanny
yet.’
“Lastly, in walked Mr. Price himself, his own loud voice preceding
him, as, with something of an oath kind, he kicked away his son’s
portmanteau and his daughter’s bandbox in the passage and called out
for a candle; no candle was brought, however, and he walked into the
room.
“Fanny, with doubting feelings, had risen to meet him, but sank down
on finding herself undistinguished in the dusk, and unthought of. With
a friendly shake of his son’s hand, and an eager voice, he instantly
began--‘Ha! welcome back, my boy. Glad to see you. Have you heard the
news? The _Thrush_ went out of harbour this morning. Sharp is the word,
you see. By G----, you are just in time. The doctor has been inquiring
for you; he has got one of the boats, and is to be off for Spithead by
six, so you had better go with him. I have been to Turner’s about your
mess; it is all in a way to be done. I should not wonder if you had
your orders to-morrow; but you cannot sail in this wind, if you are to
cruise to the westward with the _Elephant_. By G----, I wish you may.
But old Scholey was saying, just now, that he thought you would be sent
first by Texel. Well, well, we are ready, whatever happens. But, by
G----, you lost a fine sight by not being here in the morning to see
the _Thrush_ go out of harbour. I would not have been out of the way
for a thousand pounds. Old Scholey ran in at breakfast-time, to say she
had slipped her moorings and was coming out. I jumped up, and made but
two steps to the platform. If ever there was a perfect beauty afloat,
she is one; and there she lies at Spithead, and anybody in England
would take her for an eight-and-twenty. I was upon the platforms two
hours this afternoon looking at her. She lies close to the _Endymion_,
between her and the _Cleopatra_ just to the eastward of the sheer
hulk.’ ‘Ha!’ cried William, ‘that’s just where I should have put her
myself. It’s the best berth at Spithead. But here is my sister, sir;
here is Fanny,’ turning and leading her forward; ‘it is so dark you did
not see her.’ With an acknowledgment that he had quite forgot her, Mr.
Price now received his daughter, and having given her a cordial hug,
and observed that she was grown into a woman, and he supposed would be
wanting a husband soon, seemed very much inclined to forget her again.”
The statement in the beginning of “Mansfield Park” that “Miss Frances
(Mrs. Price) married, in the common phrase, to ‘disoblige her family,’
and by fixing on a lieutenant of marines, without education, fortune or
connections, did it very thoroughly,” is not difficult to believe.
CHAPTER XVI
ANOTHER LETTER FROM JANE
Unfortunately we have not got Frank’s reply to his sister’s letter, but
we have her next letter to him dated about two months later, when she
was staying with Edward.
“Godmersham Park, _September 25, 1813_.
“MY DEAREST FRANK,--The 11th of this month brought me your
letter, and I assure you I thought it very well worth its two
and three-pence. I am very much obliged to you for filling me
so long a sheet of paper; you are a good one to traffic with
in that way, you pay most liberally; my letter was a scratch
of a note compared to yours, and then you write so even, so
clear, both in style and penmanship, so much to the point,
and give so much intelligence, that it is enough to kill one.
I am sorry Sweden is so poor, and my riddle so bad. The idea
of a fashionable bathing-place in Mecklenberg! How can people
pretend to be fashionable or to bathe out of England? Rostock
market makes one’s mouth water; our cheapest butcher’s meat
is double the price of theirs; nothing under nine-pence all
this summer, and I believe upon recollection nothing under
ten-pence. Bread has sunk and is likely to sink more, which we
hope may make meat sink too. But I have no occasion to think of
the price of bread or of meat where I am now; let me shake off
vulgar cares and conform to the happy indifference of East Kent
wealth. I wonder whether you and the King of Sweden knew that I
was to come to Godmersham with my brother. Yes, I suppose you
have received due notice of it by some means or other. I have
not been here these four years, so I am sure the event deserves
to be talked of before and behind, as well as in the middle. We
left Chawton on the 14th, spent two entire days in town, and
arrived here on the 17th. My brother, Fanny, Lizzie, Marianne,
and I composed this division of the family, and filled his
carriage inside and out. Two post-chaises, under the escort
of George, conveyed eight more across the country, the chair
brought two, two others came on horseback, and the rest by
coach, and so, by one means or another, we all are removed. It
puts me in remind of St. Paul’s shipwreck, when all are said,
by different means, to reach the shore in safety. I left my
mother, Cassandra, and Martha well, and have had good accounts
of them since. At present they are quite alone, but they are
going to be visited by Mrs. Heathcote and Miss Bigg, and to
have a few days of Henry’s company likewise.
“I expect to be here about two months, Edward is to be in
Hampshire again in November, and will take me back. I shall
be sorry to be in Kent so long without seeing Mary, but I am
afraid it must be so. She has very kindly invited me to Deal,
but is aware of the great improbability of my being able to
get there. It would be a great pleasure to me to see Mary Jane
again too, and her brothers, new and old. Charles and his
family I _do_ hope to see; they are coming here for a week
in October. We were accommodated in Henrietta Street. Henry
was so good as to find room for his three nieces and myself
in his house. Edward slept at a hotel in the next street.
No. 10 is made very comfortable with cleaning and painting,
and the Sloane Street furniture. The front room upstairs
is an excellent dining and common sitting parlour, and the
smaller one behind will sufficiently answer his purpose as a
drawing-room. He has no intention of giving large parties of
any kind. His plans are all for the comfort of his friends
and himself. Madame Bigeon and her daughter have a lodging
in his neighbourhood, and come to him as often as he likes,
or as they like. Madame B. always markets for him, as she
used to do, and, upon our being in the house, was constantly
there to do the work. She is wonderfully recovered from the
severity of her asthmatic complaint. Of our three evenings
in town, one was spent at the Lyceum, and another at Covent
Garden. “The Clandestine Marriage” was the most respectable
of the performances, the rest were sing-song and trumpery;
but it did very well for Lizzy and Marianne, who were indeed
delighted, but I wanted better acting. There was no actor worth
naming. I believe the theatres are thought at a very low ebb
at present. Henry has probably sent you his own account of
his visit in Scotland. I wish he had had more time, and could
have gone further north, and deviated to the lakes in his
way back; but what he was able to do seems to have afforded
him great enjoyment, and he met with scenes of higher beauty
in Roxburghshire than I had supposed the South of Scotland
possessed. Our nephew’s gratification was less keen than our
brother’s. Edward is no enthusiast in the beauties of nature.
His enthusiasm is for the sports of the field only. He is a
very promising and pleasing young man however, upon the whole,
behaves with great propriety to his father, and great kindness
to his brothers and sisters, and we must forgive his thinking
more of grouse and partridges than lakes and mountains. He
and George are out every morning either shooting or with the
harriers. They are good shots. Just at present I am mistress
and miss altogether here, Fanny being gone to Goodnestone
for a day or two, to attend the famous fair, which makes its
yearly distribution of gold paper and coloured persian through
all the family connections. In this house there is a constant
succession of small events, somebody is always going or coming;
this morning we had Edward Bridges unexpectedly to breakfast
with us, on his way from Ramsgate, where is his wife, to
Lenham, where is his church, and to-morrow he dines and sleeps
here on his return. They have been all the summer at Ramsgate
for her health; she is a poor honey--the sort of woman who
gives me the idea of being determined never to be well and who
likes her spasms and nervousness, and the consequence they
give her, better than anything else. This is an ill-natured
statement to send all over the Baltic. The Mr. Knatchbulls,
dear Mrs. Knight’s brothers, dined here the other day. They
came from the Friars, which is still on their hands. The elder
made many inquiries after you. Mr. Sherer is quite a new Mr.
Sherer to me; I heard him for the first time last Sunday, and
he gave us an excellent sermon, a little too eager sometimes
in his delivery, but that is to me a better extreme than the
want of animation, especially when it evidently comes from the
heart, as in him. The clerk is as much like you as ever. I am
always glad to see him on that account. But the Sherers are
going away. He has a bad curate at Westwell, whom he can eject
only by residing there himself. He goes nominally for three
years, and a Mr. Paget is to have the curacy of Godmersham; a
married man, with a very musical wife, which I hope may make
her a desirable acquaintance to Fanny.
“I thank you very warmly for your kind consent to my
application, and the kind hint which followed it. I was
previously aware of what I should be laying myself open to;
but the truth is that the secret has spread so far as to be
scarcely the shadow of a secret now, and that, I believe,
whenever the third appears, I shall not even attempt to tell
lies about it. I shall rather try to make all the money than
all the mystery I can of it. People shall pay for their
knowledge if I can make them. Henry heard P. and P. warmly
praised in Scotland by Lady Robert Kerr and another lady; and
what does he do, in the warmth of his brotherly vanity and
love, but immediately tell them who wrote it. A thing once
set going in that way--one knows how it spreads, and he, dear
creature, has set it going so much more than once. I know it
is all done from affection and partiality, but at the same
time let me here again express to you and Mary my sense of
the _superior_ kindness which you have shown on the occasion
in doing what I wished. I am trying to harden myself. After
all, what a trifle it is, in all its bearings, to the really
important points of one’s existence, even in this world.
“I take it for granted that Mary has told you of ----’s
engagement to ----. It came upon us without much preparation;
at the same time there was that about her which kept us in a
constant preparation for something. We are anxious to have it
go on well, there being quite as much in his favour as the
chances are likely to give her in any matrimonial connection.
I believe he is sensible, certainly very religious, well
connected, and with some independence. There is an unfortunate
dissimilarity of taste between them in one respect, which gives
us some apprehensions; he hates company, and she is very fond
of it; this, with some queerness of temper on his side, and
much unsteadiness on hers, is untoward. I hope Edward’s family
visit to Chawton will be yearly; he certainly means it now, but
we must not expect it to exceed _two_ months in future. I do
not think, however, that he found five too long this summer. He
was very happy there. The new paint improves their house much,
and we find no evil from the smell. Poor Mr. Trimmer is lately
dead, a sad loss to his family, and occasioning some anxiety to
our brother; for the present he continues his affairs in the
son’s hands, a matter of great importance to _them_. I hope he
will have no reason to remove his business.
“Your very affectionate sister,
“J. A.
“There is to be a second edition of S. and S. Egerton advises
it.”
At the time when this letter was written Charles was on the _Namur_, as
Flag-Captain to Sir Thomas Williams. His wife and two small children
lived with him on board, an arrangement of somewhat doubtful advantage.
In the published letters of Jane Austen there are some of the same date
as this one to Frank, written to Cassandra from Godmersham, and giving
an account of the visit of Charles and family which she was expecting
in October.
“_September 23._--Wrote to Charles yesterday, and Fanny has had a
letter from him to-day, principally to make inquiries about the time of
their visit here, to which mine was an answer beforehand; so he will
probably write again soon to fix his week.”
“_October 14._--A letter from Wrotham yesterday offering an early visit
here, and Mr. and Mrs. Moore and one child are to come on Monday for
ten days. I hope Charles and Fanny may not fix the same time, but if
they come at all in October they must. What is the use of hoping? The
two parties of children is the chief evil.”
“To be sure, here we are; the very thing has happened, or rather
worse--a letter from Charles this very morning, which gives us reason
to suppose they may come here to-day. It depends upon the weather, and
the weather now is very fine. No difficulties are made, however, and,
indeed, there will be no want of room; but I wish there was no Wigrams
and Lushingtons in the way to fill up the table, and make us such a
motley set. I cannot spare Mr. Lushington either because of his frank,
but Mr. Wigram does no good to anybody. I cannot imagine how a man can
have the impudence to come into a family party for three days, where
he is quite a stranger, unless he knows himself to be agreeable on
undoubted authority. I shall be most happy to see dear Charles.”
“_Friday, October 15._--They came last night at about seven. We had
given them up, but I still expected them to come. Dessert was nearly
over; a better time for arriving than an hour and a half earlier. They
were late because they did not set out earlier, and did not allow time
enough. Charles did not _aim_ at more than reaching Sittingbourne by
three, which could not have brought them here by dinner-time. They had
a very rough passage; he would not have ventured if he had known how
bad it would be.
“However, here they are, safe and well, just like their own nice
selves, Fanny looking as neat and white this morning as possible, and
dear Charles all affectionate, placid, quiet, cheerful good humour.
They are both looking well, but poor little Cassy is grown extremely
thin and looks poorly. I hope a week’s country air and exercise may do
her good. I am sorry to say it can be but a week. The baby does not
appear so large in proportion as she was, nor quite so pretty, but I
have seen very little of her. Cassy was too tired and bewildered just
at first to seem to know anybody. We met them in the hall, the women
and girl part of us, but before we reached the library she kissed me
very affectionately, and has since seemed to recollect me in the same
way. It was quite an evening of confusion, as you may suppose. At first
we were all walking about from one part of the house to the other, then
came a fresh dinner in the breakfast-room for Charles and his wife,
which Fanny and I attended. Then we moved into the library, were joined
by the dining-room people, were introduced, and so forth; and then we
had tea and coffee, which was not over till past ten. Billiards again
drew all the odd ones away, and Edward, Charles, the two Fannies, and
I sat snugly talking. I shall be glad to have our numbers a little
reduced, and by the time you receive this we shall be only a family,
though a large family, party.
[Illustration: MRS. CHARLES AUSTEN]
“I talked to Cassy about Chawton (Cassandra wished to have her there
for the winter). She remembers much, but does not volunteer on the
subject. Papa and mamma have not yet made up their minds as to parting
with her or not; the chief, indeed the only difficulty with mamma is a
very reasonable one, the child’s being very unwilling to leave them.
When it was mentioned to her she did not like the idea of it at all. At
the same time she has been suffering so much lately from sea-sickness
that her mamma cannot bear to have her much on board this winter.
Charles is less inclined to part with her. I do not know how it will
end, or what is to determine it. He desires best love to you, and has
not written because he has not been able to decide. They are both very
sensible of your kindness on the occasion. I have made Charles furnish
me with something to say about young Kendall. He is going on very well.
When he first joined the _Namur_ my brother did not find him forward
enough to be what they call put in the office, and therefore placed him
under the schoolmaster, and he is very much improved, and goes into the
office now every afternoon, still attending school in the morning.”
This is interesting as an example of the way in which the young men
learnt their work as midshipmen.
The domestic side of Charles’ character is always rather inclined to
obtrude itself. Perhaps it was of him that Jane was thinking when
Admiral Croft sums up James Benwick in the words, “An excellent,
good-hearted fellow I assure you, a very active, zealous officer, too,
which is more than you would think for perhaps, for that soft sort of
manner does not do him justice;” and when later on she protests against
the “too common idea of spirit and gentleness being incompatible with
each other.” Nevertheless, we have ample proof that both sisters
thought his domesticity somewhat overdone, though it is hardly fair to
quote even friendly criticism of such an intimate nature. One sentence
from a letter on October 18 gives the hint of what seems to have been
Charles’ one defect in the eyes of his sisters.
“I think I have just done a good deed--extracted Charles from his wife
and children upstairs, and made him get ready to go out shooting, and
not keep Mr. Moore waiting any longer.”
Before Jane’s death in 1817, Charles had opportunity to show the stuff
of which he was made, and from that time till his death in 1852, under
circumstances which called for great courage and endurance, he fully
realised her best hopes.
The question of Cassy living with her father and mother on the _Namur_
reminds one of the discussion in “Persuasion” as to the comforts of
ladies on board ship.
“The admiral, after taking two or three refreshing turns about the room
with his hands behind him, being called to order by his wife, now came
up to Captain Wentworth, and without any observation of what he might
be interrupting, thinking only of his own thoughts, began with--‘If you
had been a week later at Lisbon, last spring, Frederick, you would have
been asked to give a passage to Lady Mary Grierson and her daughters.’
“‘Should I? I am glad I was not a week later then.’”
The admiral abused him for his want of gallantry. He defended himself,
though professing that he would never willingly admit any ladies on
board a ship of his, excepting for a ball, or a visit, which a few
hours might comprehend. “But, if I know myself,” said he, “this is
from no want of gallantry towards them. It is rather from feeling how
impossible it is, with all one’s efforts and all one’s sacrifices, to
make the accommodations on board such as women ought to have. There can
be no want of gallantry, admiral, in rating the claims of women to
every personal comfort high, and this is what I do. I hate to hear of
women on board, or to see them on board, and no ship under my command
shall ever convey a family of ladies anywhere if I can help it.’”
This brought his sister upon him.
“‘Oh, Frederick! But I cannot believe it of you. All idle refinement!
Women may be as comfortable on board as in the best house in England. I
believe I have lived as much on board as most women, and I know nothing
superior to the accommodation of a man-of-war. I declare I have not a
comfort or an indulgence about me, even at Kellynch Hall’ (with a kind
bow to Anne), ‘beyond what I always had in most of the ships I have
lived in, and they have been five altogether.’
“‘Nothing to the purpose,’ replied her brother. ‘You were living with
your husband, and were the only woman on board.’
“‘But you, yourself, brought Mrs. Harville, her sister, her cousin, and
the three children round from Portsmouth to Plymouth. Where was this
superfine, extraordinary sort of gallantry of yours then?’
“‘All merged in my friendship, Sophia. I would assist any brother
officer’s wife that I could, and I would bring anything of Harville’s
from the world’s end, if he wanted it. But do not imagine that I did
not feel it an evil, in itself.’
“‘Depend upon it, they were all perfectly comfortable.’
“‘I might not like them the better for that, perhaps. Such a number of
women and children have no right to be comfortable on board.’
“‘My dear Frederick, you are talking quite idly. Pray, what would
become of us poor sailors’ wives, who often want to be conveyed to one
port or another, after our husbands, if everybody had your feelings.’
“‘My feelings you see did not prevent my taking Mrs. Harville and all
her family to Plymouth.’
“‘But I hate to hear you talking so like a fine gentleman, and as if
women were all fine ladies, instead of rational creatures. We none of
us expect to be in smooth water all our days.’
“‘Ah, my dear,’ said the Admiral, ‘when he has got a wife he will sing
a different tune. When he is married, if we have the good luck to live
to another war, we shall see him do as you and I, and a great many
others, have done. We shall have him very thankful to anybody that will
bring him his wife.’
“‘Ay, that we shall.’
“‘Now I have done,’ cried Captain Wentworth. ‘When once married people
begin to attack me with--“Oh, you will think very differently when you
are married,” I can only say, “No, I shall not,” and then they say
again, “Yes, you will,” and there is an end of it.’
“He got up and moved away.
“‘What a great traveller you must have been, ma’am,’ said Mrs. Musgrove
to Mrs. Croft.
“‘Pretty well, ma’am, in the fifteen years of my marriage, though many
women have done more. I have crossed the Atlantic four times, and have
been once to the East Indies and back again, and only once; besides
being in different places about home: Cork, and Lisbon, and Gibraltar.
But I never went beyond the Straits, and was never in the West Indies.
We do not call Bermuda or Bahama, you know, the West Indies.’
“Mrs. Musgrove had not a word to say in dissent: she could not accuse
herself of having ever called them anything in the whole course of her
life.
“‘And I do assure you, ma’am,’ pursued Mrs. Croft, ‘that nothing can
exceed the accommodations of a man-of-war. I speak, you know, of the
higher rates. When you come to a frigate, of course you are more
confined; though any reasonable woman may be perfectly happy in one
of them; and I can safely say that the happiest part of my life has
been spent on board a ship. While we were together, you know, there
was nothing to be feared. Thank God! I have always been blessed with
excellent health, and no climate disagrees with me. The only time that
I ever really suffered in body and mind, the only time that I ever
fancied myself unwell, or had any ideas of danger, was the winter that
I passed by myself at Deal, when the Admiral (Captain Croft then) was
in the North Seas. I lived in perpetual fright at that time, and had
all manner of imaginary complaints from not knowing what to do with
myself, or when I should hear from him next; but as long as we could
be together, nothing ever ailed me, and I never met with the smallest
inconvenience.’
“‘Ay, to be sure. Yes, indeed, oh yes. I am quite of your opinion, Mrs.
Croft,’ was Mrs. Musgrove’s hearty answer. ‘There is nothing so bad as
a separation. I am quite of your opinion. I know what it is, for Mr.
Musgrove always attends the assizes, and I am so glad when they are
over, and he is safe back again.’”
CHAPTER XVII
THE END OF THE WAR
In the letter quoted in the last chapter, we hear how Henry let out the
secret of Jane’s authorship. She has also something to say to Cassandra
about the matter. “Lady Robert Kerr is delighted with P. and P., and
really was so, as I understand, before she knew who wrote it, for, of
course she knows now. He (Henry) told her with as much satisfaction
as if it were my wish. He did not tell me this, but he told Fanny.”
Perhaps the pleasure that she gained in hearing how people enjoyed her
books partly made up for the annoyance of having her wishes for secrecy
forgotten. She goes on: “And Mr. Hastings, I am quite delighted with
what such a man writes about it. Henry sent him the books after his
return from Daylesford, but _you_ will hear the letter too.” This is
tantalising for those who cannot hear the letter too, and still more so
when she adds later on: “I long to have you hear Mr. H.’s opinion of P.
and P. His admiring my Elizabeth so much is particularly welcome to
me.”
The interest of Warren Hastings in the Austen family was a
long-standing one. Hastings’ only son was brought up under the care of
Jane’s father and mother at Steventon. When he died, in early manhood,
the grief of Mrs. Austen was as great as if she had lost one of her
own children. Probably they were entrusted with the care of this boy
through the influence of George Austen’s sister, who was married to
Dr. Hancock, of Calcutta, a close friend of Warren Hastings. Their
daughter, Eliza Hancock, after losing her first husband, a French
count, under the guillotine in the Reign of Terror, married Henry
Austen. She died in 1813, and Henry’s loss was a subject of much
concern in the family. We can see this from Jane’s letters at the time
to Cassandra, and in the one to Frank quoted at length in the last
chapter, where she expresses her belief that Henry’s mind is not “a
mind for affliction.”
Frank got home from the Baltic early in 1814. We hear of him in June
trying to arrange for a visit to his mother. Jane writes: “I heard
yesterday from Frank. When he began his letter he hoped to be here
on Monday, but before it was ended he had been told that the naval
review would not take place till Friday, which would probably occasion
him some delay, as he cannot get some necessary business of his own
attended to while Portsmouth is in such a bustle.” Her books seem to
have become more and more of a family interest. Mentions of them come
in constantly in the midst of all the family gossip. “Sweet amiable
Frank, why does he have a cold too? Like Captain Mirvan to Mr. Duval,
‘I wish it well over with him.’ Thank you very much for the sight
of dearest Charles’s letter to yourself. How pleasant and naturally
he writes, and how perfect a picture of his disposition and feeling
his style conveys! Poor fellow! Not a present! I have a great mind
to send him all the twelve copies (of “Emma”), which were to have
been dispersed among my near connections, beginning with the Prince
Regent and ending with Countess Morley.” The mention of Miss Burney’s
“Evelina” is characteristic. It was one of her favourite books.
On Frank’s return he naturally wishes to settle somewhere with his wife
and family after so many years afloat, but he did not at once find
the sort of home he wanted. He occupied Chawton Great House for a few
years, but this was only a temporary arrangement. It must be one of the
chief pleasures of a novelist to bestow upon her characters all the
blessings which she would like to portion out to her friends. Perhaps
it was something of this feeling which induced Jane to draw the ideal
home of a naval man in “Persuasion.” Certainly in tastes and feelings
there is much similarity between Harville and Frank Austen.
“Captain Harville had taken his present house for half a year; his
taste, and his health, and his fortune, all directing him to a
residence unexpensive, and by the sea; and the grandeur of the country,
and the retirement of Lyme in the winter, appeared exactly adapted to
Captain Benwick’s state of mind. Nothing could be more pleasant than
their desire of considering the whole party as friends of their own,
because the friends of Captain Wentworth, or more kindly hospitable
than their entreaties for their all promising to dine with them. The
dinner, already ordered at the inn, was at last, though unwillingly,
accepted as an excuse, but they seemed almost hurt that Captain
Wentworth should have brought such a party to Lyme, without considering
it as a thing of course that they should dine with them.
“There was so much attachment to Captain Wentworth in all this, and
such a bewitching charm in a degree of hospitality so uncommon, so
unlike the usual style of give-and-take invitations, and dinners of
formality and display, that Anne felt her spirits not likely to be
benefited by an increasing acquaintance among his brother officers.
‘These would all have been my friends,’ was her thought, and she had
to struggle against a great tendency to lowness.
“On quitting the Cobb they all went indoors with their new friends,
and found rooms so small as none but those who invite from the heart
could think capable of accommodating so many. Anne had a moment’s
astonishment on the subject herself, but it was soon lost in the
pleasant feelings which sprang from the sight of all the ingenious
contrivances and nice arrangements of Captain Harville to turn the
actual space to the best possible account, to supply the deficiencies
of lodging-house furniture, and defend the windows and doors against
the winter storms to be expected. The varieties in the fitting up of
the rooms, where the common necessaries provided by the owner, in the
common indifferent plight, were contrasted with some few articles of a
rare species of wood, excellently worked up, and with something curious
and valuable from all the distant countries Captain Harville had
visited, were more than amusing to Anne; connected as it all was with
his profession, the fruit of its labours, the effect of its influence
on his habits, the picture of repose and domestic happiness it
presented, made it to her a something more or less than gratification.
“Captain Harville was no reader; but he had contrived excellent
accommodations, and fashioned very pretty shelves, for a tolerable
collection of well-bound volumes, the property of Captain Benwick.
His lameness prevented him from taking much exercise; but a mind of
usefulness and ingenuity seemed to furnish him with constant employment
within. He drew, he varnished, he carpentered, he glued; he made toys
for the children; he fashioned new netting-needles and pins with
improvements; and if everything else was done, sat down to his large
fishing-net at one corner of the room.
“Anne thought she left great happiness behind her when they quitted the
house; and Louisa, by whom she found herself walking, burst forth into
raptures of admiration and delight on the character of the Navy, their
friendliness, their brotherliness, their openness, their uprightness;
protesting that she was convinced of sailors having more worth and
warmth than any other set of men in England; that they only knew how to
live, and they only deserved to be respected and loved.”
No one reading “Persuasion” could doubt that, ready as Jane always was
to laugh at absurdities of fashion, yet the national enthusiasm for
the Navy had not failed to touch her heart any more than it had missed
her sense of humour. Trying as Louisa’s encomium must have been to
Anne, with her mind full of regrets over her broken engagement with
Captain Wentworth, it was the inward agreement of her mind with this
admiration for simplicity and affection which gave her the worst pain.
The nation had passed through a crisis, and after the stress of war,
the happy family life was the one thing admirable.
Captain Charles Austen had spent ten years on active service, outside
the theatre of hostilities, but now he was brought into closer touch
during the confusion caused by the escape of Napoleon from Elba. The
_Phœnix_ frigate under his command was sent with the _Undaunted_
and the _Garland_ in pursuit of a Neapolitan squadron cruising in
the Adriatic. Since 1808 Naples had been under the rule of Murat,
Napoleon’s brother-in-law. It was, therefore, Murat’s flag which was
attacked by the British men-of-war.
[Illustration: CAPTAIN CHARLES AUSTEN, C. B.]
Joachim Murat’s history is a curiously romantic one. As his dealings
with Napoleon created the situation in Naples which called for British
interference, it will not be a digression to give some account of
him. His origin was a low one, and it was chiefly as the husband of
Napoleon’s sister Caroline that he came to the front. As a soldier his
talents were great, but he was no diplomatist, and too impetuous and
unstable to be successful. He fought under Napoleon in most of the
campaigns from Marengo to Leipzig, and first entered Naples as the
victorious general of the French army. In 1808, at a time when Napoleon
was giving away kingdoms, Joseph Bonaparte, the King of Naples, was
awarded the somewhat empty and unsatisfactory honour of the kingdom of
Spain; and at the same time, to take his place, Murat was raised to
the dignity of “King of the Two Sicilies.” The Bourbon King Ferdinand,
who bore the same title, had been maintained in power in the island of
Sicily by the British fleet ever since Nelson’s time. Murat’s great
idea was the unity of Italy, under himself as King, and he perhaps had
hopes that Napoleon would support him. At all events, he was loyal
to the Emperor until 1811, when he went to Paris for the baptism of
Napoleon’s son, but came away before the ceremony on learning that the
infant was to be “King of Rome.” He dismissed his French troops, and
resolved to govern without reference to Napoleon. Unable, however,
to resist a call to arms from his former chief, in 1812 he went to
Russia in command of the heavy cavalry, and was the first to cross the
frontier. He went twenty leagues beyond Moscow, and finally left the
army on the retreat at the Oder. He handed over the command to Eugène
Beauharnais, and returned to Naples.
Among others who saw that Napoleon’s power was on the wane, Murat
now turned against him, and proposed, through Lord William Bentinck
at Palermo, a treaty of peace with England, on the basis of the
unification of Italy under his own sovereignty. This agreement was
made, and needed only the formal consent of the British Government,
when Murat suddenly threw it all over, and at Napoleon’s bidding
went off to fight for him in the campaign of 1813 at Dresden and
Leipzig. On his return, however, the King again began his negotiations
with the allies, and arranged a treaty with Austria. The Congress
of Vienna debated the question of allowing him to remain King. As
matters stood, it was difficult to find a reason for turning him out,
as he now appeared to have definitely abandoned the Emperor’s cause.
But, naturally, it was impossible to repose much confidence in his
assertions. He himself seems scarcely to have known his own mind, and
was ready to ally himself with either side, if by that means he could
secure his heart’s desire of the kingdom of Italy. His wife cared more
for her brother’s cause than for her husband’s, but Joachim trusted her
completely. They had for long kept up the appearance of disagreement,
in order to collect round them the leaders of all parties; and now when
the dissension was real, he hardly realised how little her sympathies
were with him. It seems not unlikely that England and Austria would
have trusted him, and allowed him to retain his throne, as, on the
whole, he had governed well; but he himself decided the question in
a characteristic way. He had tidings of Napoleon’s projected escape
from Elba, and espoused his cause. The kingdom of the Two Sicilies was
thereupon attacked by the allies, and before Waterloo was fought the
Bourbon King Ferdinand was reinstated at Naples under the protection
of the fleets. Queen Caroline, Murat’s wife, was escorted by British
sailors from the palace. The ship bearing her away passed another
British ship, which brought Ferdinand back to his capital.
The city of Naples had surrendered, but Brindisi still held out. It
was here that Charles Austen was employed in blockading the port as
Captain of the _Phœnix_, with the _Garland_ under his orders. After a
short time negotiations were begun, and, without much serious fighting,
he induced the garrison of the castle and the commanders of the two
frigates in the port to hoist the white flag of the Bourbons, in place
of the crimson and white on a blue ground which Joachim Murat had
adopted. It is a matter of history how Murat, with a few followers,
attempted to set up this flag again a few months later in Calabria, but
was taken prisoner and shot. It is evident that his estrangement from
Napoleon originated with the title of “King of Rome” being conferred on
the boy born in 1811--a clear indication that the Emperor was no party
to his schemes of uniting Italy. Whether or not the change of monarchs
was a good one for the Neapolitan people, the restored kingdom of the
Two Sicilies lasted until Garibaldi caused its complete collapse in
1860, and accomplished Murat’s ideal for Italy.
After this episode Captain Charles Austen was kept busy with Greek
pirates in the Archipelago until the _Phœnix_ was lost off Smyrna in
1816. He then returned to England.
There is an extract from one of his letters to Jane at this time,
dated May 6, 1815, from Palermo, which shows something of the degree
of popularity which her books had then attained. “Books became the
subject of conversation, and I praised ‘Waverley’ highly, when a young
man present observed that nothing had come out for years to be compared
with ‘Pride and Prejudice,’ ‘Sense and Sensibility,’ &c. As I am sure
you must be anxious to know the name of a person of so much taste, I
shall tell you it is Fox, a nephew of the late Charles James Fox. That
you may not be too much elated at this morsel of praise, I shall add
that he did not appear to like ‘Mansfield Park’ so well as the two
first, in which, however, I believe he is singular.”
[Illustration: JANE AUSTEN’S WORK-BOX, WITH HER LAST PIECE OF WORK]
Early in 1816 Jane’s health began to fail, and she grew gradually
weaker until she died, in July 1817. There is a letter from her to
Charles, dated from Chawton on April 6, 1817, which is inscribed
in his handwriting, “My last letter from dearest Jane.” It is full
of courage, even through its weariness. Most of it relates to purely
family matters, but the tenor of it all is the same--that of patient
cheerfulness:
“MY DEAREST CHARLES,--Many thanks for your affectionate letter.
I was in your debt before, but I have really been too unwell
the last fortnight to write anything that was not absolutely
necessary.... There was no standing Mrs. Cooke’s affectionate
way of speaking of your countenance, after her seeing you. God
bless you all. Conclude me to be going on well, if you hear
nothing to the contrary.
“Yours ever truly,
“J. A.
“Tell dear Harriet that whenever she wants me in her service
again she must send a Hackney Chariot all the way for me, for I
am not strong enough to travel any other way, and I hope Cassy
will take care that it is a green one.”
Both Francis and Charles Austen were at home at the time of Jane’s
death in 1817. In the May before she died she was prevailed upon to
go to Winchester, to be under the care of Mr. Lyford, a favourite
doctor in that part. She and Cassandra lived in College Street. She
had always been fond of Winchester--in the true “Jane Austen spirit,”
partly because her nephews were at school there--and her keen interest
in her surroundings did not desert her even now, when she, and all
around her, knew that she was dying. A set of verses, written only
three days before her death, though of no great merit in themselves,
have a value quite their own in showing that her unselfish courage and
cheerfulness never failed her. Only a few hours after writing them she
had a turn for the worse, and died early on the morning of July 18.
“WINCHESTER, _July 15, 1817_.
“When Winchester races first took their beginning
’Tis said that the people forgot their old saint,
That they never applied for the leave of St. Swithun,
And that William of Wykeham’s approval was faint.
“The races however were fixed and determined,
The company met, and the weather was charming;
The lords and the ladies were satined and ermined,
And nobody saw any future alarming.
“But when the old saint was informed of their doings,
He made but one spring from his shrine to the roof
Of the palace that now stands so sadly in ruins,
And thus he addressed them, all standing aloof:
“‘Oh, subject rebellious! Oh, Venta depraved!
When once we are buried you think we are dead;
But behold me immortal--by vice you’re enslaved,
You have sinned, and must suffer,’ then further he said--
“‘These races, and revels, and dissolute measures,
With which you’re debasing a neighbouring plain;
Let them stand--you shall meet with a curse in your pleasures.
Set off for your course. I’ll pursue with my rain.
“‘You cannot but know my command o’er July;
Thenceforward I’ll triumph in showing my powers;
Shift your race as you will, it shall never be dry,
The curse upon Venta is July in showers.’”
CHAPTER XVIII
TWO ADMIRALS
We have shown, so far as is possible, the influence that the lives
of her two sailor brothers had upon the writings of Jane Austen. It
now only remains to show how both of them, in their different ways,
fulfilled her hopes for them. This can be best done by a brief summary
of the chief events in their careers. At the time of her death they
were men on either side of forty. Francis lived to be ninety-one, and
Charles to be seventy-three, so both had many more years of activity
and service before them.
In 1826 Charles was again on the West Indies station. Here he stayed
for more than two years, and was chiefly employed in suppressing the
slave-trade. He was always very happy in the management of crews. It
was partly owing to his more than usual care in this respect while
stationed here on board the _Aurora_, and partly to his general
activity as second in command, that he gained his appointment as
Flag-Captain to Admiral Colpoys in the _Winchester_ on the same
station in 1828. He was invalided home in 1830, as the result of a
severe accident. This prevented him from being again employed until
1838, when he was appointed to the _Bellerophon_, still only a Captain
after nearly thirty years’ service in that rank.
[Illustration:
Memo 12th May, 1838
The Officers of the watch on board H. M. S. Bellerophon are directed to
pay strict attention to the orders which will be inserted in this book
for their governance during the Night.
Charles Jno. Austen, Captain]
Some years before this, Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt, had conquered
Syria from his Suzerain, the Sultan, and now wished to declare himself
independent, thereby coming into collision with the traditional policy
of England and France in the Levant. In 1840 Admiral Stopford’s fleet
was sent to the coast of Syria to interfere with communications between
the Pasha’s army and Egypt. Charles Austen in the _Bellerophon_ (called
by the seamen the “Billy Ruffian”) took part in the bombardment of the
Beyrout forts, and afterwards was stationed in one of the neighbouring
bays, guarding the entrance of the pass by which Commodore Sir Charles
Napier had advanced up the Lebanon to attack Ibrahim Pasha and the
Egyptians. In Napier’s words: “It was rather a new occurrence for
a British Commodore to be on the top of Mount Lebanon commanding a
Turkish army, and preparing to fight a battle which should decide the
fate of Syria.” He won the battle and returned to the _Powerful_, with
some reluctance, making way for Colonel Smith, who was appointed by
the Sultan to command his forces in Syria.
The Admiral and Colonel Smith shortly afterwards decided on capturing
Acre, the chief stronghold now remaining in the Egyptian occupation.
In a letter to Lord Palmerston, Colonel Smith describes the action: “On
October 26 it was finally determined between Sir Robert Stopford and
myself that the siege of Acre should be undertaken. Owing to the light
winds the ships did not get into action till 2 P.M. on November 3, when
an animated fire commenced, and was maintained without intermission
until darkness closed the operations of the day. About three hours
later the Governor, with a portion of the garrison, quitted the town,
which was taken possession of by the allied troops at daylight the
following morning. The moral influence on the cause in which we are
engaged that will result from its surrender is incalculable. During the
bombardment the principal magazine and the whole arsenal blew up.”
There is an extract from Charles Austen’s journal, which also gives a
slight account of the bombardment:
“9 A.M.--Received a note from the Admiral (Stopford) telling me the
_Powerful_ (Commodore Napier) was to lead into action, followed by
_Princess Charlotte_ (flag), _Bellerophon_ and _Thunderer_, who were
all to lay against the Western Wall.
“_Later._--Working up to the attack with light airs.
“11.30.--Piped to dinner.
“1 P.M.--Bore up to our station, passing outside the shoal to the
south, and then to the westward again inside.
“2.30.--Anchored astern of the _Princess Charlotte_, and abreast of
the Western Castle, and immediately commenced firing, which the enemy
returned, but they fired high, and only two shots hulled us, hitting no
one.
“_At sunset._--Admiral signalled ‘Cease firing,’ up boats, and then
piped to supper, and sat down with the two boys to a cold fowl, which
we enjoyed much.
“_At_ 9 P.M.--A dish of tea, then gave my night orders and turned in.”
The “two boys” were his two sons, Charles and Henry, who were serving
under him.
There is a further account of a difficulty with Commodore Napier,
who had a firm belief in his own judgment, which made obedience to
orders something of a trial to him. Napier, who was “as usual a law
unto himself,” disobeyed the Admiral’s signals, and, when reprimanded,
demanded a court-martial, which was refused. The journal then relates
that Captain Austen, with two other captains, went on board the
_Powerful_ to endeavour to persuade the Commodore to climb down, “but
the old Commodore was stubborn, and we returned to our ships.” However,
a second visit to the Commodore in the afternoon appears to have been
more successful, and “I left hoping the affair would be settled,” which
it was. The result of this bombardment was altogether satisfactory,
though some of the ships suffered considerably from the Egyptian
firing. Charles was awarded a Companionship of the Bath for his share
in this campaign.
In 1846 he became Rear-Admiral, and in 1850 was appointed
Commander-in-Chief on the East India Station.
He left England in the P. & O. steamer _Ripon_ for Alexandria, and
crossed the desert to Suez, as was usual in the overland route. The
description of the mode of travelling by vans, and the selection of
places therein by lot, has often been made.
[Illustration: REAR-ADMIRAL CHARLES AUSTEN, C.B.]
Lord Dalhousie, as Governor-General at Calcutta, had taken steps to
protect British traders from the exactions of the Burmese officials
at Rangoon by sending a Commission of Inquiry, with power to demand
reparation. The Commissioner (Commodore Lambert) decided to treat only
with the King of Ava, who consented, in January 1852, to remove the
Governor from Rangoon. This action did not, however, prove effectual
in settling the grievances, and Commodore Lambert declared the Burmese
coast in a state of blockade; his vessel was fired upon, and he
retaliated by destroying a stockade on the river-bank, and some Burmese
war-boats. Shortly afterwards he received orders to forward to the King
a despatch of Lord Dalhousie’s, demanding apology and an indemnity. The
same vessel again went up the river with the despatch, and was attacked
by the Burmese. The Governor-General thereupon ordered a combined
military and naval expedition, which was on the coast by the end of
March. This was to be the last of Charles Austen’s many enterprises. He
shifted his flag from the _Hastings_ to the steam sloop _Rattler_ at
Trincomalee in Ceylon, and proceeded to the mouth of the Rangoon river.
On April 3, accompanied by two ships and the necessary troops, he was
on his way to Martaban, which they attacked and captured on the 5th.
The place was held by 5000 men; but after a bombardment of an hour and
a half it was taken by storm with small loss.
On the 10th began a general combined movement on Rangoon, which fell
on the 14th, the _Rattler_ taking a leading part in attacking the
outlying stockades. The large stockade round the town and the pagoda
was carried at the point of the bayonet. The navy suffered but little
loss from the enemy; but cholera set in, and the Admiral fell ill.
He was persuaded by the doctors to leave the river, as all active
proceedings of the expedition had ceased for the time. He went to
Calcutta, where, through the kind hospitality of the Governor-General,
he gradually recovered his health. Rangoon, with its wonderful solid
pagoda, and all its Buddhist traditions, was now in British hands; but
the Burmese Government were bent on recapturing it, for certain royal
offerings to the shrine were among the conditions of the King’s tenure
of his throne. The war was therefore continued, and it was decided
to penetrate further up the river, and with a yet stronger force.
Admiral Austen thereupon returned to duty. On arrival at Rangoon in
the _Hastings_ he transferred his flag to the steam sloop _Pluto_,
and went up the river on a reconnaissance, in advance of the combined
forces. The main body proceeded direct to Henzada, by the principal
channel of the Irrawadi, while the contingent following the _Pluto_ was
delayed by the resistance of the Burmese leader at Donabyu. It became
necessary for the main body to make for this point also, while Admiral
Austen was by this time much further north, at Prome. He was anxiously
awaiting their arrival, while his health grew worse during the two or
three weeks spent in this unhealthy region. On October 6, his last
notes at Prome are as follows: “Received a report that two steamers
had been seen at anchor some miles below, wrote this and a letter to
my wife, and read the lessons of the day.” On the following morning he
died. The Burmese leader was also killed during the assault, which took
place at Donabyu not long afterwards, and his army then retreated. The
British battalions were eventually quartered on the hill above Prome,
overlooking the wide river, not far from Lord Dalhousie’s new frontier
of Lower Burmah. Now thick jungle covers alike the camp and the site of
the fort of Donabyu (White Peacock Town), for Upper Burmah is British
too, and there is no king to make offerings at the Rangoon shrine.
The death of Charles was a heavy blow to Francis. The only other
survivor of all his brothers and sisters, Edward Knight, of Godmersham
and Chawton, died at about the same time; but Francis had still
thirteen years of life before him. To realise what his life had been we
must return to the close of the long war, when he came on shore from
the _Elephant_, and was not called upon to go to sea again for thirty
years. It is easy to imagine the changes that had taken place in the
Navy in the interval between his times of active service.
During these years on shore several honours fell to his share. He had
been awarded his C.B. in 1815, on the institution of that distinction.
In 1825 he was appointed Colonel of Marines, and in 1830 Rear-Admiral.
About the same time he purchased Portsdown Lodge, where he lived for
the rest of his life. This property is now included within the lines of
forts for the defence of Portsmouth, and was bought for that purpose by
the Government some years before his death. At the last investiture by
King William IV. in 1837 he received the honour of K.C.B.; and the next
year, on the occasion of Queen Victoria’s Coronation, he was promoted
to the rank of Vice-Admiral. In 1845 he took command of the North
American and West Indies Station. This command in the _Vindictive_
forms a notable contrast to his earlier experiences in the West Indies.
How often he must have called to mind as he visited Barbadoes, Jamaica,
or Antigua, the excitements of the _Canopus_ cruises of forty years
ago! How different too the surroundings had become with the regular
English mail service, and the paddle-wheel sloops of war in place of
brigs such as the _Curieux_--and, greatest change of all, no such
urgent services to be performed as that of warning England against the
approach of an enemy’s fleet!
Nevertheless, there was plenty to be done. The Naval Commander-in-Chief
has no easy berth, even in time of peace. His letters tell us of some
of the toils which fell to his share.
“Our passage from Bermuda was somewhat tedious; we left it on February
6, called off Antigua on the 15th, and, without anchoring the ship, I
landed for an hour to inspect the naval yard,” rather an exertion in
the tropics, for a man of seventy-three. A voyage to La Guayra follows.
It appears that Venezuela was giving as much trouble in 1848 as in 1900.
“A political question is going on between the Government of Caraccas
and our Chargé d’affaires, and a British force is wanted to give weight
to our arguments. I am afraid it will detain us a good while, as I also
hear that there is a demand for a ship-of-war to protect property from
apprehended outrage in consequence of a revolutionary insurrection.”
We find that the _Vindictive_ was at Jamaica within a fortnight or so.
It would appear that the Government of the Caraccas (legitimate or
revolutionary) was quickly convinced by the weight of the arguments of
a 50-gun ship.
The following general memorandum may be interesting with reference to
the expedition against Greytown, Nicaragua.
“The Vice-Admiral Commander-in-Chief has much gratification in
signifying to the squadron the high sense he entertains of the
gallantry and good conduct of Captain Loch, of her Majesty’s ship
_Alarm_, and of every officer and man of her Majesty’s ships _Alarm_
and _Vixen_, and of the officers and soldiers of her Majesty’s 28th
Regiment, employed under his orders on the expedition up the river
St. Juan, and especially for the cool and steady intrepidity evinced
while under a galling fire from a nearly invisible enemy on the morning
of February 12, and the irresistible bravery with which the works of
Serapagui were stormed and carried. The result has been an additional
proof that valour, when well directed and regulated by discipline, will
never fail in effecting its object.”
There are also notes about the Mexican and United States War then in
progress, and instructions to treat Mexican privateers severely if they
interfered with neutral craft. Strong measures were also to be enforced
against slave-traders, who still sailed under Brazilian and Portuguese
flags, but were now reprobated by international treaties generally.
In May 1848 the _Vindictive_ was met by Vice-Admiral the Earl of
Dundonald in the _Wellesley_. Lord Dundonald was to take over the
command from Sir Francis. We have no record of any meeting between
these two officers since the days when Lord Cochrane in the _Speedy_
and Captain Austen in the _Peterel_ were in the Mediterranean
together, almost half a century earlier. Sir Francis’ letters mention
with pleasure the desire on the part of his successor to continue
matters on the same lines.
[Illustration: SIR FRANCIS AUSTEN, G.C.B., ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET]
His return to England was coincident with promotion to the rank of
Admiral. In 1854, at the outbreak of the Crimean War, the Portsmouth
command was declined as too onerous for an octogenarian.
In 1860 Sir Francis received the G.C.B., and in 1862 the successive
honours of Rear-Admiral and Vice-Admiral of the United Kingdom,
followed in 1863 by promotion to the senior position in the British
Navy as Admiral of the Fleet.
“THE ADMIRALTY, _April 27, 1863_.
“SIR,--I am happy to acquaint you that I have had the pleasure
of bringing your name before the Queen for promotion to Admiral
of the Fleet, and that her Majesty has been graciously pleased
to approve of the appointment ‘as a well-deserved reward for
your brilliant services.’
“I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,
“SOMERSET.”
From the year 1858 Sir Francis had become gradually less able to move
about. He retained all his faculties and his ability to write, almost
as clearly as ever, until just before his death in August 1865.
The strong sense of justice, manifest in his rigid adherence to
discipline as a young man, was tempered later in life by his love for
children and grandchildren, constant through so many years.
Of both Jane Austen’s brothers it may be said that they were worthy
members of that profession which is, “if possible, more distinguished
for its domestic virtues than for its national importance.”
FOOTNOTES:
[1] The “Sea Wolf,” by Jack London, Heinemann.
INDEX
_Acasta_, 167, 170, 174, 177
Acre, siege of, 58, 59;
bombardment of, 276
_Agamemnon_, 165, 167, 174
_Ajax_, 162
_Alarm_, 284
_l’Alexandre_, 167, 172, 173, 178
_Alfred_, 201
Algeciras, 53, 91
_Amazon_, 135, 141
_Amethyst_, 167
Amiens, peace of, 112
_Amphion_, 135, 141
Anholt, Island of, 228, 229
Anstruther, Brigadier-General, 199-203
_Arethusa_, 167
_Atlas_, 174
_Aurora_, 81;
under Charles Austen, 36, 274
Austen, Cassandra, bringing up, 10-12;
letters from Jane, 42, 43, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 95-104, 107, 109,
180-203, 204-208, 210, 250
Austen, Charles, bringing up, 11;
education, 15;
midshipman, 21;
in _Dædalus_, 23;
in _Unicorn_, 23;
in _Endymion_, 23;
as lieutenant in _Scorpion_, 45;
in _Tamar_, 48, 52;
in _Endymion_, 48, 53, 91, 109;
prizes, 91;
return home in 1800, 95;
reappointment to _Endymion_, 122;
appointment to _Indian_ as Commander, 122;
on North American station, 205-210;
marriage, 207;
capture of _La Jeune Estelle_, 207;
promotion to post rank, 207;
in _Swiftsure_, 207;
letter to Jane, 209;
in _Cleopatra_, 210;
home-coming in 1811, 210;
in _Namur_, 211;
his children at Chawton, 236;
visit to Godmersham, 250-253;
in _Phœnix_, 266;
letter to Jane about her books, 270;
last letter from Jane, 271;
on West Indies station, 274;
in _Aurora_, 274;
in _Winchester_, 275;
in _Bellerophon_, 275;
awarded C.B., 278;
Rear-Admiral, 278;
Commander-in-Chief on East India station, 278;
in Second Burmese War, 278;
in _Hastings_, 278;
in _Pluto_, 281;
death in 1852, 281
Austen, Edward, afterwards Knight, 43;
death of wife, 204;
at Chawton, 234;
at Godmersham, 244-249;
death in 1852, 281
Austen, Francis William, bringing up, 11;
education, 15;
letter from his father, 17-20;
midshipman in _Perseverance_, _Crown_ and _Minerva_, 16, 23;
lieutenant, 28;
in _Seahorse_, 45, 57;
in _London_, 29, 45, 57;
in _Glory_, 29;
in _Lark_, 41;
appointed to _Triton_, 44;
to _Peterel_ as Commander, 48-51;
letter to Nelson, 63;
capture of _La Ligurienne_, 83-86;
promotion to post rank, 86, 107, 111;
return home in 1801, 108;
appointed to _Neptune_ as Flag-captain to Admiral Gambier, 111;
at Ramsgate, 112-114;
engagement, 113;
appointed to _Leopard_, 115;
letters from Jane, 125, 127, 129, 233, 243;
appointed to _Canopus_, 124;
chase to West Indies, 130-146;
letters to Mary Gibson, 148-161, 174-176;
after Trafalgar, 162;
meeting with Villeneuve, 159;
wish for a frigate, 160, 164, 185;
in action of St. Domingo, 164-179;
marriage, 181;
appointed to _St. Albans_, 186;
at Simon’s Bay, 186-190;
at St. Helena, 191-193;
return home in 1807, 194;
at Penang, 212-218;
at Canton, 219-223;
dealings with Viceroy of Canton, 210-223;
appointed to _Caledonia_, 225;
to _Elephant_, 226;
at Chawton Great house, 262;
awarded C.B., 282;
Colonel of Marines, 282;
Rear-Admiral, 282;
at Portsdown Lodge, 282;
K.C.B., 282;
Vice-Admiral, 282;
on North American and West Indian station, 282;
appointed to _Vindictive_, 282;
meeting with Dundonald, 284;
Admiral, 285;
G.C.B., 285;
Rear-Admiral of the United Kingdom, 285;
Vice-Admiral of the United Kingdom, 285;
Admiral of the Fleet, 285;
death in 1865, 286
Austen, the Reverend George, 8;
letter to Francis, 16-20;
death, 125-129
Austen, Henry, 9;
death of Mrs. Henry Austen, 235, 261;
visit from Jane, 245;
pride in Jane’s books, 248, 260
Austen, the Reverend James, 97, 126
Austen, Jane, bringing up, 10-12;
letters to Cassandra, _see_ Cassandra Austen;
letters to Francis, 125, 127, 129, 233, 243;
on Sir John Moore, 203;
failing health, 270;
letter to Charles, 271;
death in 1817, 271;
verses written in last illness, 272
Austen, Mrs., 9, 10, 126, 128
Austen, Colonel Thomas, 238
Austerlitz, battle of, 116
Ava, King of, 278
_Bacchante_, captured by _Endymion_, 122
Balgonie, Lord, 124
Ballast, shingle, 119;
iron, 120
Barham, Lord, 140, 141
Battle of the Nile, 58, 130
Bayeux tapestry, 115
Baynton, Captain H. W., 132
_Belleisle_, 132, 135, 158
_Bellerophon_, 45, 158, 275-278
Bentinck, Lord William, at Palermo, 267
Bernadotte, Crown Prince of Sweden, 231, 233
Berthier, General, 200
Bertie, Admiral, 183
Bettesworth, Captain, 139, 140
Bickerton, Sir Richard, 132
Blackwood, Captain, 149
Blight, Captain, 202
Blockades, “Naval Chronicle” on, 116;
Dr. Fitchett on, 117;
Nelson on, 118
Bonaparte, Napoleon, departure for East, 58;
in Egypt, 59;
attacks Acre, 59;
return from East, 78;
as First Consul in Italian campaign, 87-90 (_see_ under Napoleon)
Bonaparte, Jerome, 173-174
Bonaparte, Joseph, 196, 267
Boulogne, notes on, 120-122
Boulogne flotilla, 115
Bowen, Dr., 125, 128
Boyle, Captain Courtenay, 103, 104
_le Brave_, 169
Bridges, Edward, 247
Bridport, Lord, 57, 59, 60
Brindisi blockaded, 269
Bruix, Admiral, 59-66
Burmese War, Second, 23, 278-281
Burney, Fanny, 184, 262
Burrard, Sir Harry, 197
Cadiz, blockades of, 29, 147
Calder, Admiral Sir Robert, 140, 142, 144, 145, 153
_Caledonia_, Francis Austen on, 225
_Canopus_, Francis Austen appointed to, 124;
captured from French Navy, 130;
part taken in pursuit of Villeneuve, 130-140;
blockading Cadiz, 147;
in action of St. Domingo, 165, 167, 174
Canton, 219, 223;
Francis Austen’s dealings with Viceroy, 219-223
Capitan Pacha, 103, 104
Caroline of Brunswick, Princess, 41
_Centaur_, 73, 80, 138
Cheminant, M., 139
Cintra, Convention of, 198
_Cleopatra_, Charles Austen in, 210
Cochrane, Admiral, 169
Collingwood, Admiral, 143, 159
Convoying, incidents in, 149-152, 194, 221-228
_Conqueror_, 132, 135
Cornwallis, Admiral, 23, 140, 142
_Courageuse_, 80, 86, 87
_Crown_, 16, 23
_Culloden_, 45, 87
_le Curieux_, 138, 139, 140, 142
_Dædalus_, 23
Dalhousie, Lord, 278
Dalrymple, General Sir Hew, 197
_Defence_, 45
_Defiance_, 199, 201
Desertions, 36, 169
Despatch boats, insecurity of, 90
Donabyu, 281
_Donegal_, 132, 135, 143, 165, 167, 168, 174
D’Ott, Baron, 86, 89
Duckworth, Commodore, 61;
afterwards Sir John, 165 (at St. Domingo)
Dundonald, Lord, meeting with Francis Austen at Bermuda, 284
Durham, Captain, 91, 109
_Elephant_, Francis Austen appointed to, 226;
in the Baltic, 228
_Emerald_, 78, 80
“Emma,” wedding in, 182
_Endymion_, 23, 48, 53;
captures, 91;
Charles Austen reappointed to, 122, 149
_Epervier_, 174, 177
_Euryalus_, 143, 149, 159, 160, 162
Ferdinand, King of the Two Sicilies, 267-269
Fox, nephew of Charles James Fox on Jane Austen’s works, 270
_le Franklin_, 130
Frigate, Francis Austen’s wish for, 160, 164, 185
_la Furie_, captured by _Endymion_, 91
Gambier, Admiral, 48, 49, 51;
Francis Austen Flag-captain to, 111, 225
Ganteaume, Admiral, 116, 131
_Garland_, 266, 268
Germes, 98-103
Gibbs, Dr., 126, 128
Gibson, Mary, 143;
letters to, 148-161, 174-176;
marriage, 181
_Glory_, 29
_Goliath_, 45, 64
“Grand Army of England,” 115
_Guillaume Tell_, 86, 90
_Halcyon_, 143
Hallowell, Captain Benjamin, 132
Hancock, Dr., 261
Hardy, Captain Thomas, 132
Hargood, Captain William, 132
Hastings, Warren, 260, 261
_Hastings_, 279
_Hermes_, 227
Hoppo, the, 220
Hotham, Captain, 201
_Hyena_, 61, 62
_l’Impériale_, 172
_Indian_, Charles Austen in command of, 122, 205-210
Inglis, Captain, 105
Italy, Unity of, 266-270
Joubert, General, 81, 82
Junot, General, 197
_Jupiter_, 41
Keats, Captain R. G., 132
Keith, Admiral Lord, in command in the Mediterranean, 65-79;
conference with Baron d’Ott, 89
Kellerman, General, 200
Kerr, Lady Robert, her opinion of “Pride and Prejudice,” 248, 250
_Kingfisher_, 169, 174
Knatchbull, Mr., 211, 247
Knight, Edward (_see_ Edward Austen)
Krakatoa Island, 225
Ladrones, 219
Lambert, Commodore, 278, 279
_Lark_, 41
_La Legère_, 21
Leigh Perrot, Mrs., 236
Leigh, Thomas, 236
Leipzig, battle of, 232, 266
_Leopard_, 32;
Francis Austen appointed to, 115;
at Boulogne, 115, 122
Leven, Lord and Lady, 133
_Leviathan_, 72, 132, 135, 143, 162
_la Ligurienne_ captured by _Peterel_, 83-86
Lloyd, Martha, 50, 114
_London_, 29, 30, 45, 49, 57
Louis, Admiral, 115, 130, 132, 136, 151
Lyford, Dr., 271
_Magicienne_, 174
Mahan, Captain, on Continental system, 207
_Majestic_, 45
Malays, 212-218
Malcolm, Captain Pulteney, 132, 199
“Mansfield Park,” Mary Crawford on the distance in the wood, 3;
brothers and sisters, 6, 8, 16;
William Price as midshipman, 24-27;
promotion of William Price, 46, 47, 54;
William’s cross and Edmund’s chain, 92;
William’s return, 109;
wedding of Maria Bertram, 181;
Jane Austen at work on, 237;
Fanny’s home-coming, 238
Marengo, campaign of, 87, 89, 266
_Marlborough_, 29, 30, 31
_Mars_, 158, 163
Massena, General, at Genoa, 81, 87, 89
Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt, 275
Melas, General, 89
_Mercury_, 219
_Mermaid_, 85, 86
Mexican and United States War, 284
_Minerva_, 16
_La Minerve_, 82
_Minotaur_, 45, 89
Missiessy, Admiral, 131, 136, 137;
at the Scheldt, 227
“Le Moniteur,” 145, 146
Moore, Sir John, 198;
Jane Austen on, 203
Moreau, General, in Italy, 65, 80
Murat, Joachim, King of Naples, 266, 270
Murat, Caroline, 266, 268, 269
Murray, Admiral George, 132
_Naiad_, 142
_Namur_, Charles Austen in, 250
Napier, Commodore Charles, 275-278
Naples, 266-270
Napoleon, his “Grand Army of England,” 115;
display of Bayeux Tapestry, 115;
in Spain, 196-198;
“Naval Chronicle” on, 122;
decline of, 231;
his son King of Rome, 267, 269;
dealings with Joachim Murat, 266, 269;
escape from Elba, 269
Naval Academy, 15-16
“Naval Chronicle” on blockades, 116;
on Napoleon, 122;
on Nelson’s return from the West Indies, 144;
censure on Sir Robert Calder, 145
Navy, volunteers in, 15-21;
early promotions, 28;
punishments, 28-31;
work of press-gang, 32-35;
difficulty of securing crews, 34;
prizes, 37, 71-75;
mutinies, 29;
improvements in comfort, 111;
comments on in Jane Austen’s novels:
Mrs. Clay, 3;
Edward Ferrars, 5;
Anne Elliot, 38, 265;
Sir Walter Elliot, 38-40;
Louisa Musgrove, 265;
Lady Bertram, 25;
Henry Crawford, 25;
Jane Austen, 286
Nelson, at battle of the Nile, 58;
at Palermo, 59, 60;
in pursuit of Villeneuve, 130-146;
return from the West Indies, 144;
death of, 155, 156
_Neptune_, 111
Nicaragua, 283, 284
“Northanger Abbey,” brothers and sisters, 6;
Catherine Morland’s childhood, 12
_Northumberland_, 169, 170, 173
Novi, battle of, 81
_La Nymphe_, 60
_Orion_, 45, 162
Oudinot, Marshal, 232
Paget, Captain, 122
Palmer, Fanny, 207;
Mrs. Charles Austen, 252
Parliament, thanks of, 179
Pellew, Captain Israel, 132
Penang, 212-218
Peninsular War, beginning of, 196
Perrée, Admiral, 78-80
_Perseverance_, 16-23
“Persuasion,” Mrs. Clay on Navy, 3;
brothers and sisters, 6;
Dick Musgrove as midshipman, 24;
Admiral Croft on sharp practice, 35;
speedy advancement of Captain Wentworth, 37;
Anne Elliot’s comments on the navy, 38;
Sir Walter Elliot on the navy, 38-40;
Captain Wentworth’s description of life on board a sloop of war, 74-77;
argument between Captain Harville and Anne Elliot, 178;
question of ladies on board ship, 255-259;
Harville family at Lyme Regis, 262;
Jane Austen’s comment on the Navy, 286
_Peterel_, Francis Austen appointed to, 48, 51;
despatch for Lord Nelson at Palermo, 61-64;
captured under Captain Charles Long, 67;
prizes, 71-73;
capture of despatches for Suwarrow, 83;
capture of _La Ligurienne_, 83-86;
blockade of Alexandria, 90, 98-103;
rescue of Turkish line-of-battle ship from French and Arabs, 99-103
_Phœbe_, 227
_Phœnix_, Charles Austen in command of, 266;
blockading Brindisi, 269;
lost off Smyrna, 270
_Pluto_, Charles Austen’s death in, 280
Popham, Captain, 112
_Powerful_, 72, 165, 167, 168, 170, 275, 278
Pressgang, 32-35
“Pride and Prejudice,” brothers and sisters, 5;
Lady Robert Kerr’s opinion of, 248-260;
Warren Hastings’s opinion of, 260;
Jane Austen’s opinion of, 237
_Prima_, galley, 88
_Prince of Wales_, 142, 153
_Princess Caroline_, 232
_Princess Charlotte_, 276, 277
Prizes, 37, 71-73, 91, 209
Proclamation to encourage enlisting, 34
Prome, 280-281
Punishments, 28-31
Ramsgate, Francis Austen at, 112-114
Rangoon, 216, 278-281
_Rattler_, 279
Robinson, Captain Mark, 132
Rodd, Captain John Tremayne, 47
Rowing guard, 88
Royal Naval Academy, 15, 16
Royal Proclamation to encourage enlisting, 34
_Royal Sovereign_, 132, 135, 158, 163
Rugen, Island of, 230, 231
_St. Albans_, Francis Austen appointed to, 186;
difficulty in getting supplies, 186;
at Simon’s Bay, 186-190;
at St. Helena, 191-193;
expected home, 193;
at Penang, 212-218;
at Canton, 219-223
St. Domingo, battle of, 130, 164-179
St. Helena, Francis Austen’s notes on, 191-193, 194
St. Vincent, battle off Cape, 57
St. Vincent, Earl, putting down mutinies, 30-31;
moved to Gibraltar, 51;
sees French fleet enter Mediterranean, 60;
health gives way, 65
_Santa Margarita_, 21, 22
_Scipio_ captured by _Endymion_, 91
_Scorpion_, 45, 49
Scott, Walter, Jane Austen on, 208
Sea Fencibles, 112-113
_Seahorse_, 29, 45, 57
“Sense and Sensibility,” Edward Ferrars on navy, 5;
sale of, 237, 250
Sherer, Mr., 247
Simon’s Bay, Francis Austen’s notes on, 186-190, 194
Smith, Sir Sydney, at Acre, 59;
off Alexandria, 90, 95
Southampton, home of the Austens, 182
Spencer, Lord, 49, 51
_Spencer_, 132, 135, 142, 143, 165, 167, 170, 171, 174
Steventon, description of family at, 8;
of parsonage at, 9;
bringing up of family at, 10-12
Stopford, Captain the Honourable Robert, 132;
Admiral, 275, 276
Stuart, Captain John, 132
_Success_, 80
_Superb_, 132, 135, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170;
letter of officer on board, 171-173, 174
Suwarrow, Marshal, in Italy, 80-83
Swedish Pomerania, 230-232
_Swiftsure_, 45, 132, 135;
Charles Austen in, 207, 210
_Swordfish_, capture of, 228
_Tamar_, 48-52
_la Tamise_, 21-22
_Téméraire_, 158, 163
_Theseus_, 45, 76
_Tigre_, 79, 90, 98, 103, 132, 135, 143, 147
_Tonnant_, 163
Toulon, escape of Villeneuve’s fleet from, 131, 133
Trafalgar, battle of, 131, 141, 155-159;
scene after, 162-163
Trafalgar, Cape, 45
_Transfer_, 90, 98, 103
Trebbia, battle of, 80, 81
_la Tribune_, fight with _Unicorn_, 21, 22
_Triton_, crew impressed, 34;
Francis Austen appointed to, 44
Troubridge, Captain, 56, 61, 79, 87
Turkey declares war against France, 59
_Unicorn_, fight with _la Tribune_, 21, 22
United States, illicit carrying trade, 205;
war with, 227
_Vanguard_, 45
_Victory_, 132-142, 148, 158
Vienna, 116;
Congress of, 268
_Ville de Paris_, 142
Villeneuve, 115;
pursuit of, 130-146;
letter on action with Calder, 145;
prisoner, 159
Vimiera, battle of, 197-303
_la Virginie_, 82
_Vixen_, 284
Volunteers, 15, 21
Warren, Sir John, 207
Waterloo, Battle of, 269
Wellesley, Sir Arthur, 197, 199 (_see_ Wellington)
Wellington, Duke of, 232
Whitworth, Lord, 238
Williams, Sir Thomas, 21, 23;
marriage, 42, 48, 53, 211
Winchester, 235, 271-273
_Winchester_, 275
Young, Admiral, 227
_Zealous_, 45, 149, 228
JANE AUSTEN: HER HOMES AND HER FRIENDS. By CONSTANCE HILL.
With numerous Illustrations by ELLEN G. HILL, together with
Photogravure Portraits. Price 5s. net.
_Some Press Opinions_:
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_The Times_--“Related with an engaging naïveté.”
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JOHN LANE, THE BODLEY HEAD, VIGO ST., LONDON, W.
JUNIPER HALL:
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_The Daily News_--“Miss Constance Hill has given a vivid picture of a
vanished time.”
_The Pall Mall Gazette_--“There is not, indeed, a dull page in all this
pleasant volume.... The book is indeed one which it is a pleasure to
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We congratulate Miss Hill upon her narrative of an episode in English
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_The Westminster Gazette_--“The story ... is skilfully unified and
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_The Outlook_--“Miss Constance Hill, having executed a capital study of
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_The Academy_--“Her book is agreeably picturesque and stimulating.”
_Truth_--“This charming book.”
_Le Soleil_--“Le livre de miss Constance Hill est une des lectures les
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JOHN LANE, THE BODLEY HEAD, VIGO ST., LONDON, W.
Transcriber’s Notes
Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations
in hyphenation and accents have been standardised but all other
spelling and punctuation remains unchanged.
Italics are represented thus _italic_.
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